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Lenni BRENNER
ZIONISM IN THE AGE OF DICTATORS
Chapter 7
HITLER LOOKS AT ZIONISM
Hitler's view of the Jews and the Jewish problem is sharply expressed in
Mein Kampf. He goes to great lengths to demonstrate that his Jew-hatred
was quite reasonable, that it flowed from experience and the logical inferences
to be drawn from clear evidence. He always insisted that his first thoughts
towards the Jews were all benign. His father, 'the old gentleman', looked
upon anti-Semitism as a left-over religious prejudice and so, we are told,
did the enlightened young Adolf. It was only after his mother died, and
he moved from provincial Linz to Vienna, that Hitler found occasion to question
the glib assumptions of his youth. For there he wandered through the old
inner city and encountered a Galician Hasid, 'an apparition in a black caftan
and black hair locks. Is this a Jew? was my first thought.' But the more
he thought about what he had seen, the more his question assumed a new form:
'Is this a German?'[(1)] It is in the context of his earliest ruminations
on what was, for him, the central question of existence that he introduced
Zionism into his opus.
And whatever doubts I may still have nourished
were finally dispelled by the attitude of a portion of the Jews themselves.
Among them there was a great movement, quite extensive in Vienna, which
came out sharply in confirmation of the national character of the Jews:
this was the Zionists.
It looked, to be sure, as though only a part of the Jews approved
this viewpoint, while the majority condemned and inwardly rejected such
a formulation. But... the so-called liberal Jews did not reject the Zionists
as non-Jews, but only as Jews with an impractical, perhaps even dangerous,
way of publicly avowing their Jewishness.[(2)]
There is no better proof of Zionism's classic role as an outrider to anti-Semitism
than Hitler's own statement. What more, the reader was to ask, could any
reasonable person need? However, before 1914 Hitler had no need to concern
himself further with Zionism, as the prospects of a revived Jewish state
seemed very remote. It was the Balfour Declaration, Germany's defeat and
the Weimar revolution that made him think again about Zionism. Naturally
he rolled all three events together. The treacherous Jews showed their true
colours in the way in which they welcomed the Balfour Declaration, and it
was the Social Democrats, those servants of the Jews, who brought down the
Kaiser; but for them Germany would have won. In 1919 Hitler joined the tiny
National Socialists and became their inspired beer-hall rabblerouser, but
the dominant ideologist on the finer points of the Jewish question was the
Baltic German refugee Alfred Rosenberg, who had developed his theories while
still in his native Estonia. By 19l9 Rosenberg had already explained Zionism
in his book, Die Spur des Juden im Wandel der Zeiten (The Trace of
the Jews in the Wanderings of Time) It was just another Jewish hustle; the
Zionists only wanted to create a hide-out for the international Jewish conspiracy.
Jews were, by their racial nature, organically incapable of building a state
of their own, but he felt that Zionist ideology served wonderfully as a
justification for depriving Germany's Jews of their rights and that, perhaps,
there was the possibility of future use of the movement for the promotion
of Jewish emigration. Hitler soon began to touch on these themes in his
talks, and on 6 July 1920 he proclaimed that Palestine was the proper place
for the Jews and that only there could they hope to get their rights. Articles
supporting emigration to Palestine began appearing in the party organ, the
Volkischer Beobachter, after l920, and periodically party propagandists
would return to the point, as did Julius Streicher in a speech given on
20 April 1996 before the Bavarian Landtag.[(3)] But for Hitler the validity
of Zionism only lay in its confirmation that the Jews could never be Germans.
In Mein Kampf, he wrote:
For while the Zionists try to make the rest of
the world believe that the national consciousness of the Jew finds its satisfaction
in the creation of a Palestinian state, ther Jews again slyly dupe the dumb
goyim. It doesn't even enter their heads to build up a Jewish state for
the purpose of living there; all they want is a central organisation for
their international world swindle, endowed with its own sovereign rights
and removed from the intervention of other states: a haven for convicted
scoundrels and a university for budding crooks.[(4)]
Jews lacked the essential racial character to build a state of their own.
They were essentially leeches, lacking in natural idealism, and they hated
work. He explained:
For a state formation to have a definite spatial setting always presupposes
an idealistic attitude on the part of the state-race, and especially a correct
interpretation of the concept of work. In the exact measure in which this
attitude is lacking, any attempt at forming, even of preserving, a spatially
delimited state fails.[(5)]
In spite of any early musings about Zionism's efficacy in eventually promoting
emigration, the Nazis made no effort to establish any relationship with
the local Zionists. On the contrary, when the Zionist Congress met in Vienna
in 1925, the Nazis were among those who rioted against their presence.[(6)]
Nazi Patronage of Zionism
Did Hitler always plan to murder the Jews? He set down some early thoughts
in Mein Kampf:
If in 1914 the German working class in their innermost
convictions had still consisted of Marxists, the War would have been over
in three weeks. Germany would have collapsed even before the first soldier
set foot across the border. No, the fact that the German people was then
still fighting proved that the Marxist delusion had not yet been able to
gnaw its way into the bottommost depths. But in exact proportion as, in
the course of the War, the German worker and the German soldier fell back
into the hands of the Marxist leaders, in exactly that proportion he was
lost to the fatherland. If at the beginning of the War and during the War
twelve or fifteen thousand of these Hebrew corrupters of the people had
been held under poison gas, as happened to hundreds of thousands of our
very best German workers in the field, the sacrifices of millions at the
front would not have been in vain.[(7)]
However, these thoughts were never the basis of the Nazis' popular agitation
prior to the 1933 take-over. Instead, the Nazis primarily focused on denouncing
the Jews, rather than explaining what they would do about them after they
won. However, for decades 'Kikes to Palestine!' had been the slogan of European
anti-Semitism, and the Nazi propagandists used it in their own agitation.
In June 1932 the centrepiece for one of their largest anti-Jewish rallies,
in Silesian Breslaw, was a huge banner telling the Jews to 'get ready for
Palestine!'[(8)] During the anti-Jewish boycott on 1 April 1933, pickets
at the department stores handed out an imitation 'one-way ticket to Palestine'
to Jewish-looking passers-by.[(9)] The official Nazi manifesto proclaiming
the anti-Jewish boycott declared that anti-Nazi feeling abroad was due to
international Jewry's 'trying to act on the program announced in 1897 by
the Zionist Leader Herzl' to stir up foreign states against any country
that opposed the Jews.'[(10)] However, none of this was very serious; it
was just another expression of rabid anti-Semitism. Until he achieved power,
Hitler had not given any serious thought to what he would do with the Jews.
Beyond his statement in Mein Kampf, there is no evidence to prove
that he told even his closest subordinates what he ultimately planned. After
all, as he always privately complained, the average SS man was, at bottom,
soft --and a blabbermouth. If you talked about killing all the Jews, he
was sure to make excuses for his own 'good Jew' and then where were you?
Besides, the capitalists had their Jewish business connections abroad, and
there were the churches and their scruples about murder. Hitler solved his
problem by just ignoring it, leaving every department in the party and government
to feel its way to a suitable policy. There were inevitably conflicting
schools. Straight terror always had its devotees, but these were more than
countered by others who saw the Jews as deeply rooted in the domestic economy
as well as having many contacts abroad. Immediate imposition of a ghetto
had its partisans, but this was met with the same objections. Emigration
was the obvious solution, but where to? Not only would wholesale Jewish
emigration make Berlin unpopular among other capitals, but what would happen
after the arrival of large numbers of Jews in any of the major cities of
the world? They would incite others, and not just Jews, against the Reich
and the effect they could have on Germany's trade might well be devastating.
It was within this context that the Eionists, Sam Cohen of Ha Note'a and
the ZVfD in Germany, first appeared with their proposals.
Ha'avara had several obvious advantages to the Nazis. If Jews went to Palestine,
they would only be able to complain to other Jews. In fact, they would even
be a moderating influence there, since the fear of worse consequences for
their relatives in Germany, if anything were done to make the Nazis cancel
the Transfer, would make them reluctant to agitate on a large scale. But
the most important use of the Ha'avara agreement was for propaganda. The
Nazis now had something to show their foreign detractors who said they were
incapable of any policy toward the Jews other than physical brutality. In
a speech on 24 October 1933, Hitler crowed that it was he, not his critics,
who really was the Jews' benefactor:
In England people assert that their arms are open
to welcome all the oppressed, especially the Jews who have left Germany...
But it would be still finer if England did not make her great gesture dependent
on the possession of £1,000 --England should say: 'Anyone may enter'
--as we unfortunately have done for 30 years. If we too had declared that
no one could enter Germany save under the condition of bringing with him
£1,000 or paying more, then today we should have no Jewish question
at all. So we wild folk have once more proved ourselves better humans --less
perhaps in external protestations, but at least in our actions! And now
we are still as generous and give to the Jewish people a far higher percentage
as their share in possibility for living than we ourselves possess.[(11)]
Nazi Germany regarded the will of the Fuhrer as having the force of law,
and once Hitler had pronounced, an avowedly pro-Zionist policy developed.
Also in October Hans Frank, then the Bavarian Minister of Justice, later
the Governor-General of Poland, told the Nuremberg parteitag that
the best solution to the Jewish question, for Jews and Gentiles, alike,
was the Palestinian National Home.[(12)] Still in October, the Hamburg-South
American Shipping Company started a direct service to Haifa providing 'strictly
Kosher food on its ships, under the supervision of the Hamburg rabbinate'.[(13)]
Jews could still leave for any country that would have them, but now Palestine
became the propagandists' preferred solution to the Jewish question. However,
Zionists were still just Jews, as Gustav Genther of the German Education
School very carefully spelt out:
Just as we now have friendly relations with Soviet
Russia, though Russia, as a Communist country, represents a danger to our
National Socialist State, we shall take the same attitude toward the Jews,
if they establish themselves as an independent nation, although we know
they will always remain our enemies.[(14)]
If this was not enough, a children,s game, Juden Raus! (Jews Out),
left no illusions as to how the Nazis saw Zionism. The pieces were little
pawns wearing pointed medieval Jewish hats; the players moved them by rolling
dice; the child winning was the one whose Jew first scurried out, 'off to
Palestine!' through the gates of a walled city.[(15)] Zionism was despised
in Nazi Germany, but the Zionists desperately needed Nazi patronage if they
were to get the capital they required in Palestine and they allowed themselves
to believe that the Ha'avara and all the Palestinian talk that followed
it would lead to a statesmanlike pact.
'Our Official Good Will Go with Them'
By 1934 the SS had become the most pro-Zionist element in the Nazi Party.
Other Nazis were even calling them 'soft' on the Jews. Baron von Mildenstein
had returned from his six-month visit to Palestine as an ardent Zionist
sympathiser. Now as the head of the Jewish Department of the SS's Security
Service, he started studying Hebrew and collecting Hebrew records; when
his former companion and guide, Kurt Tuchler, visited his office in 1934,
he was greeted by the strains of familiar Jewish folk tunes.[(16)] There
were maps on the walls showing the rapidly increasing strength of Zionism
inside Germany.[(17)] Von Mildenstein was as good as his word: he not only
wrote favourably about what he saw in the Zionist colonies in Palestine;
he also persuaded Goebbels to run the report as a massive twelve-part series
in his own Der Angriff (The Assault), the leading Nazi propaganda
organ (26 September to 9 October 1934). His stay among the Zionists had
shown the SS man 'the way to curing a centuries-long wound on the body of
the world: the Jewish question'. It was really amazing how some good Jewish
boden under his feet could enliven the Jew: 'The soil has reformed him and
his kind in a decade. This new Jew will be a new people.'[(18)] To commemorate
the Baron's expedition, Goebbels had a medal struck: on one side the swastika,
on the other the Zionist star.[19)]
In May 1935 Reinhardt Heydrich, who was then the chief of the SS Security
Service, later the infamous 'Protector' of the Czech lands incorporated
into the Reich, wrote an article, 'The Visible Enemy', for Das Schwarze
Korps, the official organ of the SS. In it Heydrich assessed the various
tendencies among the Jews, comparing the assimilationists quite invidiously
with the Zionists. His partiality towards Zionism could not have been expressed
in more unmistakable terms:
After the Nazi seizure of power our racial laws
did in fact curtail considerably the immediate influence of Jews. But...
the question as he sees it is still: How can we win back our old position...
We must separate Jewry into two categories... the Zionists and those who
favor being assimilated. The Zionists adhere to a strict racial position
and by emigrating to Palestine they are helping to build their own Jewish
state.
Heydrich wished them a fond farewell: 'The time cannot be far distant when
Palestine will again be able to accept its sons who have been lost to it
for over a thousand years. Our good wishes together with our official good
will go with them.'[(20)]
'It was a Painful Distinction for Zionism to be Singled out for Favors'
The Nuremberg Laws of September 1935, the finishing touches of Germany's
pre-Second World War anti-Jewish legislation, were defended by the Nazis
as an expression of their pro-Zionism. They had at least the tacit approval
of the wiser heads amongst the Jews themselves. As it happened --and naturally
it was more than mere coincidence-- every nationwide Jewish organ in Germany
was under temporary ban when the laws were promulgated --except the Rundschau.
It published the codified restrictions with a commentary by Alfred Berndt,
the editor-in-chief of the German News Bureau. Berndt recalled that, only
two weeks before, all the speakers at the World Zionist Congress in Lucerne
had reiterated that the Jews of the world were to be correctly seen as a
separate people unto themselves regardless of where they lived. Well then,
he explained, all Hitler had done was to meet 'the demands of the International
Zionist Congress by making the Jews who live in Germany a national minority'.[(21)]
One aspect of the laws, now long forgotten but which attracted considerable
attention at the time, was the fact that from then on only two flags were
to be permitted in the Third Reich, the swastika and the blue-and-white
Zionist banner. This, of course, greatly excited the ZVfD, who hoped that
this was a sign that Hitler was moving closer to an accommodation with them.
But for many foreign Zionists this was a searing humiliation, well-expressed
in the anguish of Stephen Wise's own organ, the Congress Bulletin:
Hitlerism is Satan's nationalism. The determination
to rid the German national body of the Jewish element, however, led Hitlerism
to discover its 'kinship' with Zionism, the Jewish nationalism of liberation.
Therefore Zionism became the only other party legalized in the Reich, the
Zionist flag the only other flag permitted to fly in Nazi-land. It was a
painful distinction for Zionism to be singled out for favors and privileges
by its Satanic counterpart.[(22)]
The Nazis were as thorough in their philo-Zionism as in other matters. Now
that the Jews were established as a separate people with a separate soil,
should they not also have a separate language? In 1936 they added a new
'nach Palastina' ingredient to their repressive measures. Jewish
Frontier had to inform its readers distressfully that:
The attempts to seclude the Jews in the cultural
ghetto have reached a new height by the prohibition to rabbis to use the
German language in their Chanukah [6 December] sermons. This is in line
with the effort made by the Nazis to force the German Jews to use the Hebrew
language as their cultural medium. Thus another 'proof' of Nazi-Zionist
cooperation is seized eagerly by the Communist opponents of Zionism.[(23)]
Nazi leniency towards Zionism
In spring 1934, Heinrich Himmler, Reichsfuhrer of the SS, was presented
with a 'Situation Report --Jewish Question' by his staff: the vast majority
of Jews still considered themselves Germans and were determined to stay
on. Since force could not be used, for fear of potential international repercussions,
the way to break down their resistance was to instil a distinctive Jewish
identity amongst them by systematically promoting Jewish schools, athletic
teams, Hebrew, Jewish art and music, etc. Combined with Zionist occupational
retraining centres, this would finally induce the recalcitrant Jews to abandon
their homeland. However, this subtle formula was not enough, for whenever
pressure against them began to subside the stubborn Jews would start to
dig in again. The Nazi policy was therefore to increase support for the
Zionists, so that the Jews would plainly see that the way to ward off worse
troubles was to join the movement. All Jews, including Zionists, were still
to be persecuted as Jews, but within that framework it was always possible
to ease the pressure. Accordingly, on 28 January 1935, the Bavarian Gestapo
circularised the regular police that henceforward: 'members of the Zionist
organisations are, in view of their activities directed towards emigration
to Palestine, not to be treated with the same strictness which is necessary
towards the members of the German-Jewish organisations [assimilationists](.[(24)]
The Nazis created complications for themselves with their pro-Zionist line.
The WZO needed Gerrnan-Jewish capital far more than it ever wanted German
Jews. It also operated under the immigration quotas set by the British.
Its largest following was in Poland, and if it gave out too many certificates
to Germans, there would not be enough for its support base in Poland and
elsewhere. Therefore the Zionists gave only 22 per cent of the certificates
to Germans throughout the 1930s. Furthermore the WZO were not interested
in the vast majority of Germany's Jews, since these were not Zionists, did
not speak Hebrew, were too old and, of course, did not have the 'right'
trades. Either Jewish emigration had to be organised to other countries
as well, or Germany would be stuck with the Jews neither it nor the Zionists
wanted. Nazi discrimination against anti-Zionists led to problems for those
world-based bodies like the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee,
which tried to provide havens for Jews in countries other than Palestine.
Yehuda Bauer, one of Israel's most widely known Holocaust scholars, has
written of a discussion of the ensuing difficulties between two leading
officials of the Joint Distribution Committee:
[Joseph] Hyman thought that a statement should
be made by the German Jews that Palestine was not the sole outlet which
of course, frankly speaking, it wasn't. [Bernard] Kahn agreed, but explained
that the Nazis supported Zionism because it promised the largest emigration
of Jews from Germany; hence German Jewish leadership could not make any
public statements about other outlets. Still less could they mention the
decision to maintain Jewish institutions in Germany. The Nazis had dissolved
one meeting in Germany simply because the speaker had said 'we have to provide
for the people who go away and for the Jews who must stay in Germany'.[(25)]
In practice, the Nazis' concern about where the Jews should go disappeared
with the Austrian anschluss, which brought so many Jews with it that
further attention to their destination would have crippled the expulsion
programme. In October 1938 the Nazis discovered that the Poles were about
to revoke the citizenship of thousands of their Jewish citizens resident
in Germany. They therefore decided to deport the Jews to Poland immediately
so that they would not be stuck with thousands of stateless Jews. It was
this cold pogrom that led to the massive violence of Kristallnacht in November
1938.
The story was told, many years later, on 25 April 1961, at the trial of
Adolf Eichmann. The witness, Zindel Grynszpan, then an old man, was the
father of Herszl Grynszpan who, in despair at the deportation of his father
back to Poland, had assassinated a German diplomat in Paris and provided
the Nazis with the pretext for their terrible night of broken glass. Old
Zindel told them of his deportation from his home in Hanover on the night
of 27 October 1938: 'Then they took us in police trucks, in prisoners' lorries,
about 20 men in each truck, and they took us to the railway station. The
streets were full of people shouting: "Juden raus! Auf nach Palastina!"
' [(26)]
The significance of Zindel's testimony was utterly lost in the welter of
detail in the Eichmann trial. But those Jews were not being sent to Palestine,
as the Nazi mob cried; the prosecutor in that courtroom in Jerusalem never
thought to ask the elderly Grynszpan a question that we would think to ask:
'What did you think, what did the other Jews think, when they heard that
strange cry coming up from the savage mob?' Zindel Grynszpan is long dead,
as are most if not all the others who suffered there that hellish night;
we have no answer to our query. But what really matters was what was shouted,
rather than what was thought about it in that police van. However, we can
reasonably suggest that if the ZVfD had resisted Nazism's rise, if the WZO
had mobilised Jewry against the New Order, if Palestine had been a bastion
of Jewish resistance to Nazism, the Nazis would never have told the Jews,
and that mob, that the place for a Jew was in Palestine. Perhaps, then,
that Friday night in Hanover the cry would have been 'Jews to Poland', even
a straight 'kill the Jews'. The sombre fact is that the mob screamed what
had been screamed at them by Hitler's minions: 'Jews to Palestine !'
The Nazis asked for a "More Zionist Behaviour" '
That the Nazis preferred the Zionists to all other Jews is a settled point.
Even though Joachim Prinz may have winced when he wrote his 1937 article,
he was only being honest when he sorrowfully had to admit that:
It was very difficult for the Zionists to operate.
It was morally disturbing to seem to be considered as the favoured children
of the Nazi Government, particularly when it dissolved the anti-Zionist
youth groups, and seemed in other ways to prefer the Zionists. The Nazis
asked for a 'more Zionist behaviour'.[(27)]
The Zionist movement was always under severe restriction in the 1930s in
Germany. The Rundschau was banned on at least three occasions between
1933 and November 1938, when the regime finally closed down the ZVfD's headquarters
after Kristallnacht. After 1935 the Labour Zionist emissaries were barred
from the country, but even then Palestinian Zionist leaders were allowed
to enter for specific meetings; for instance Arthur Ruppin was granted pemmission
to enter Gemmany on 20 March 1938 in order to address a mass indoor rally
in Berlin on the effects of the 1936 Arab revolt in Palestine. Certainly,
the Zionists had far less trouble than their bourgeois assimilationist rivals
at the CV, and it was nothing compared with what the Communists had to face
in Dachau at the same time the Rundschau was being hawked in the
streets of Berlin.
However, the fact that the Zionists became Adolf Hitler's 'favoured children'
hardly qualified him as a Jewish nationalist. Even von Mildenstein, for
all his Hebrew records, accepted the party line when it turned to outright
murder. Throughout the period, the Nazis toyed with the Zionists as a cat
would play with a mouse. Hitler never thought he was letting anyone get
away from him because he was encouraging Jews to go to Palestine. If the
Jews went to far-away America, he might never be able to get at them and
they would always remain the foes of the German Empire in Europe. But if
they went to Palestine instead? 'There,, as a Gestapo agent told a Jewish
leader, 'we will catch up with you'.[(28)]
The Zionists could not even claim that they were duped by Hitler; they conned
themselves. Hitler's theories on Zionism, including the Jews' alleged inability
to create a state, had all been there, in plain German, since 1926. The
Zionists ignored the fact that Hitler hated all Jews, and that he specifically
condemned their own ideology. The Zionists were simply reactionaries, who
naively chose to emphasise the points of similarity between themselves and
Hitler. They convinced themselves that because they, too, were racists,
against mixed marriage, and believed that the Jews were aliens in Germany;
because they, too, were opposed to the left, that these similarities would
be enough to make Adolf Hitler see them as the only 'honest partners, for
a diplomatic détente.[(29)]
Notes
[(1)]. Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, p. 56.
[(2)]. Ibid.
[(3)]. Francis Nicosia, 'Zionism in Nationalist Socialist Jewish Policy
in Germany, 1933-9', Journal of Modern History (on-demand supplement)'
(December 1978), pp. D1257-9.
[(4)]. Hitler, Mein Kampf, pp. 324-5.
[(5)]. Ibid., p. 302.
[(6)]. F.L. Carsten, Fascist Movements in Austria, p. 96.
[(7)]. Hitler, Mein Kampf, p. 679.
[(8)]. Donald Niewyk, Socialist, Anti-Semite and Jew, p. 149.
[(9)]. Elizabeth Poretsky, Our Own People, p. 134.
[(10)]. 'No Violence Urged', Israel 's Messenger (Shanghai, 10 April
1933), p. 19.
[(11)]. Norman Baynes (ed.), Hitler 's Speeches, 1922-1939, vol.
I, p. 729.
[(12)]. Nicosia, 'Zionism in Nationalist Socialist Jewish Policy'' p. D1263.
[(13)]. 'Hamburg-Haifa Direct Shipping Line', Zionist Record (20
October 1933)' p. 15.
[(14)]. 'Members of Pro-Palestine Committee in Germany put on Anti-Semitic
Blacklist', Jewish Weekly News (Melbourne, 30 March 1934), p. 6.
[(15)]. Jewish Central Information Office - The Weiner Library - Its
History and Activities 1934-45 (photograph between pp. 212-13).
[(16)]. Jacob Boas, 'The Jews of Germany: Self-Perception in the blazi Era
as Reflected in the German Jewish Press 1933-1938', PhD thesis, University
of California, Riverside (1977), p. 110.
[(17)].HeinzHohne, The Order of the Death's Head, p. 333.
[(18)]. Leopold von Mildenstein (pseudonym von Lim), 'Ein Nazi fahrt nach
Palastina', Der Angriff (9 October 1934), p.4.
[(19)]. Jacob Boas, 'A Nazi Travels to Palestine', History Today
(London, January 1980), p. 38.
[(20)]. Hohne, Order of the Death 's Head, p. 333; and Karl Schleunes,
The Twisted Road to Suschwitz, pp. 1934.
[(21)]. Margaret Edelheim-Muehsam, 'Reactions of the Jewish Press to the
Nazi Challenge', Leo Baeck Insntute Year Book, vol. V (1960), p.
324.
[(22)]. 'Baal is not God', Congress Bulletin (24 January 1936), p.
2.
[(23]). Abraham Duker, 'Diaspora',.Jewish Frontier (January 1937),
p. 28.
[(24)]. Kurt Grossmann, 'Zionists and Non-Zionists under Nazi Rule in the
1930s', Herzl Yearbook, vol. VI, p. 340.
[(25)].YehudaBauer, My Brother's Keeper, p. 136.
[(26)]. Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem, p. 228.
[(27)]. Joachim Prinz, 'Zionism under the Nazi Government', Young Zionist
(London, November 1937), p. 18.
[(28)]. Lucy Dawidowicz, The WarAgainst the Jews, p. 115.
[(29)]. Boas, The Jews of Germany, p. 111.
++++++++++++++++++
This text is a chapter of <Zionism in the Age of the Dictators
a Reappraisal>, by Lenni Brenner.
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