| |
The Leaders of the Arab States should Quit their
Silence on the Imposture of the "Holocaust"
Written for the Beirut Conference on Revisionism and Zionism
By
Robert
Faurisson
Five introductory remarks:
1. I do mean "the leaders", and not: "the intellectuals, the
academics, the journalists" some of whom have already expressed
themselves on the matter;
2. The word "Holocaust" (always to be placed in quotation marks)
designates the triple myth of the alleged genocide of the Jews,
the alleged Nazi gas chambers and the alleged number of six million
Jewish victims of the Second World War. In the course of a history
full of fury, blood and fire, humanity has known a hundred holocausts,
that is, appalling losses of human life or bloody catastrophes (presented,
at the origin of the word's use in this manner, as a sort of offering
demanded by some superior forces); but our contemporaries have been
conditioned to keep in mind only one holocaust, that of the Jews;
it is written today with a capital letter, and has become unique:
there is no longer the need to add "of the Jews". None of the other
previous holocausts has given rise to any financial indemnity, reparation
or compensation to match those which the Jews have claimed and obtained
for a catastrophe or "Shoah" which they describe as unique and unprecedented,
and which would, in effect, be so if its three components (genocide,
Nazi gas chambers and six million victims) had been real. If many
European Jews suffered and died during the war in question, without
that suffering's amounting to what today's Jews mean by the term
"Holocaust", many other peoples and communities, in particular the
Germans, the Japanese, the Russians and the Chinese, suffered, in
reality, a fate far worse than that of the Jews; let us but think
of the phosphorous- or nuclear-fuelled firestorms in which at least
a million Germans and Japanese met an atrocious death (and what
of the wounded and mutilated?). It is, moreover, fitting to add
that millions of European Jews survived this alleged policy of physical
extermination to go on to enjoy, after the war, a power and a prosperity
without precedent in their history. To privilege, as is thus done,
the alleged "Holocaust" is to inflate Jewish suffering beyond all
measure in both quality and quantity and to reduce, in direct proportion,
the suffering of all others, none of whose ordeals receives even
so much as a specific name;
3. Imposture is an imposed lie; here it is a question of a historical
lie, meaning that, forged by liars or fabricators of outlandish
tales, it has subsequently been adopted by an ever-expanding number
of people who, in good faith or bad, have peddled it; in the event,
we are thus dealing with a tiny number of liars and a plethora of
peddlers;
4. The opposite of such a lie, fabricated or peddled, is the
factual truth. Still, as the word "truth" is vague and overused,
I prefer exactitude. Revisionism consists in trying to examine and
correct what is generally accepted with a view to establishing with
exactitude the nature of an object, the reality of a fact, the worth
of a figure, the authenticity, the veracity and the import of a
text or document;
5. Zionism is an ideology whilst revisionism is a method. As
a revisionist I shall be making a judgement less of Zionism itself
(at the dawn of the 21st century) than on the use which it makes
of the "Holocaust" imposture.
If the leaders of the Muslim states
planned to quit their silence on this imposture and if, in so doing,
they put a challenge to the Jewish and Zionist lobby, they would
obviously need first a) to make a proper sizing up of the adversary,
then b) to decide on an appropriate strategy and, finally, c) to
determine the exact area on which to concentrate their attacks.
To discuss these three points, I shall divide my talk into three
parts.
In a first part, in order to avoid any mistakes as to the opponents'
identity and to ensure that they are correctly sized up, I shall
expound on what are, in my view, the seeming weak points of the
Jews and Zionists, then on their true weak points. In a second part,
concerning the strategy to adopt, I shall sum up certain conclusions
that I reached, in November 2000, during my visit to Teheran, in
the company of representatives of the Centre of Strategic Studies
of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Finally, in a third part, I shall
designate the precise target to hit: "the magic Nazi gas chamber"
(as Louis-Ferdinand Céline put it).
I. The Jewish and Zionist adversary
A deceitful adversary may display fears that
he does not really feel. He may expose to the view of all certain
weak points which in fact are not such and try to hide what it is
that causes him real disquiet. In so doing he will be attacked where
it does not bother him in the least and be spared an attack that
would truly do him harm. Here, the adversary is almost indifferently
Jewish or Zionist. The Jews are undeniably diverse ("Two Jews, three
synagogues", says the Yiddish proverb) and, politically speaking,
they have never formed a single bloc, not even against Hitler; but,
without Jews, there is no Zionism ("Zionism is to the Jew what the
hammer is to the carpenter", as Ahmed Rami thinks) and, except for
some rare instances, the Jew will feel solidarity with the Zionist
and the Zionist with the Jew if both notice that their common "Holocaust"
myth is in peril; this is why the distinction that usually deserves
to be made between the two hardly belongs here.
a) The adversary's false fears and seeming weak points:
1. Despite their display of fear of a military attack on the
state of Israel, the Zionists who rule that state and the Diaspora
Jews who support them do not really dread the enemy's military
strength, for they know that the enemy in question will always
be outclassed by the Israeli army, thanks to the technology
and money supplied from abroad, especially by the Americans
and the Germans;
2. They do not really fear the variety of anti- Judaism improperly
called anti-semitism; on the contrary, they feed on it; they
need to be able to cry out against anti-semitism, if only to
collect more money in the Diaspora; in general, moaning is of
vital necessity to them: "The more I sob, the more I get; the
more I get, the more I sob";
3. Jews and Zionists are not really afraid of the Jewish denunciations
of "Shoah Business" and the "Holocaust Industry" made by the
Peter Novicks, Tim Coles or Norman Finkelsteins for there it
is a matter, paradoxically, of more or less kosher denunciations
in which care is taken to show reverence for the "Holocaust"
itself; it will be noted, moreover, that if the industrial or
commercial exploitation of the real or supposed sufferings of
the Jews constitutes a lucrative line of business, criticism
of this exploitation has over the last few years become another
such line; but, these two lines of business, especially the
latter, happen to be strictly reserved to the Jews; they are
"off limits", and a Gentile who ventured to imitate N. Finkelstein
in his denunciation of the "Holocaust" mafia would immediately
be set upon by a pack of its watchful henchmen;
4. They do not really fear anti-Zionism as such; at times they
even authorise its expression;
5. In particular, they have not much cause to worry about a
now commonplace form of anti-semitism which consists in attacking
all of the founding myths of Israel except that which has become
essential for them: the "Holocaust";
6. They need not be anxious about accusations of racism, imperialism
and Judeo-nazism since such accusations, even if at times founded,
resemble ritual, mechanically uttered slogans, coined in outdated
language. To see the Jews being compared to Hitler, then hear
it said that the Zionists are, like the Nazis, carrying out
a policy of "genocide" is not altogether disagreeable to the
Jews and Zionists, for it serves to reinforce the images of
Hitler and the Nazis that they themselves have succeeded in
fabricating; this helps them to fix firmly in all minds the
illusion, first and foremost, of a "genocide" of the Jews. In
reality, Hitler was no more a monster, as his Jewish enemies
claim, than was Napoleon an "ogre", as English propaganda used
to have it. Although a racialist, and hostile to internationalist
Jews (but not to Zionist ones), Hitler never ordered or allowed
the killing of anyone on account of his or her race or religion;
moreover, his military tribunals or courts martial meted out
sentences - sometimes the death sentence - to German soldiers,
officers or civil servants who had been found guilty of killing
a single Jewish man or woman (even in regard to acts committed,
during the war, in Poland, Russia or Hungary); here is a point
of history that has been shrouded by the exterminationist historians
and regrettably overlooked by revisionist authors. If Hitler
had been such a monstrous racist as described, never would such
a prestigious Arab and Muslim personality as the Grand Mufti
of Jerusalem (the Palestinian Hadj Amin Al-Husseini) have remained
on his side until the end. Despite the episode of the Germano-Soviet
pact (August 1939-June 1941), Hitler was essentially hostile
to Stalinism and to what he called, because of the Jews' decisive
contribution to Bolshevism, "Judeo-Bolshevism". The German soldier,
like the European, Russian, Asian or Muslim volunteer who fought
beside him, had but Moscow-style Communism as his essential
enemy;
7. Although they pretend the contrary, the Jews and Zionists
laugh - not without reason - at those who talk of a "Jewish
plot" or a "conspiracy of Auschwitz", since there is no "Jewish
plot" (any more than a Masonic, Jesuit, Papal, American or Communist
plot) but a Jewish power or influence; in the same manner, there
is no "Auschwitz conspiracy" but rather an Auschwitz lie; incidentally,
ideas of plot or conspiracy, dear to the Jewish tradition, ought
to remain the privilege of the latter; we should be wrong to
turn to them.
b) The adversary's true fears and veritable weak points:
1. In Israel-Palestine, Jews and Zionists truly fear the weapons
of the poor (children's stones, their slingshots like that of
David against the giant Goliath, the suicide attacks) and all
that may endanger persons and business; they fear a demeaning
of their brand image; they dread having to choose one day between
the suitcase and the coffin;
2. But they are above all apprehensive of "the poor man's atomic
bomb", that is, the disintegration, by historical revisionism,
of the lie of the gas chambers, the genocide and the six million;
they dread this weapon that kills no- one but that would not
fail, if properly used, to explode their Big Lie like a bag
of hot air;
3. They fear seeing revealed before the eyes of the world that
it is the imposture of the "Holocaust" that permitted, in the
wake of the Second World War, the creation in the land of Palestine
of a Jewish colony called Israel, and this at a time when, throughout
the globe (except in the Communist empire), a gigantic decolonisation
movement was well under way;
4. They know that to lose the "Holocaust" is to lose the sword
and the shield of Israel as well as a formidable instrument
of political and financial blackmail; Yad Vashem, which, in
Jerusalem, is a "Holocaust" memorial and museum all in one (now
undergoing expansion work), is still more precious to them than
the Wailing Wall; every foreign personality on visit to Israel
for political or financial dealings is, before all other business,
obliged to call at this museum of horrors so as to be well imbued
with a feeling of guilt which will render him more malleable;
sometimes there is a dispensation from this formality for representatives
of those rare nations which the Jews and Zionists, try as they
might, cannot rebuke for an active or passive role in the alleged
"Holocaust"; it is then amusing to notice the Israeli officials
complaining about the difficulty in dealing with partners whom
they have not been able to condition beforehand;
5. They are aware that "were the Holocaust shown to be a hoax,
the number one weapon in Israel's propaganda armoury disappears
(sic)" (letter of W. D. Rubinstein, Professor at Deakin University,
Melbourne, Australia, in Nation Review, 21 June
1979, p. 639);
6. They know only too well of "the fact that, if the Holocaust
can be shown to be a Zionist myth, the strongest of all weapons
in Israel's propaganda armoury collapses" (the same academic
in "The Left, the Right and the Jews", Quadrant,
September 1979, p. 27);
7. They nearly faint at the thought that the general public
might finally learn of the sum of iniquities represented by
all the purges, the cases brought in the style of the judicial
masquerades of Nuremberg, the confessions extorted on the subject
of gas chambers or gas vans which had, in fact, never existed
or the further confessions about implausible killings imputed
to the Einsatzgruppen, the hunting down of old men, be they
patients in homes for the aged, more than half a century after
their alleged crimes, the indoctrination of all minds, from
primary school to university, in books, newspapers, on radio
and television, on every continent, morning, noon, afternoon,
evening, night; all this is accompanied by a fierce repression
of the revisionists, carried on especially in a Germany subjugated
to its conquerors (and with which no peace treaty has yet been
signed); these revisionists have committed the awful crime of
simply demanding the right to verify either staggering accusations
devoid of proof or testimonies received as truthful, albeit
in the absence of examination and cross- examination, concerning
the material nature of the purported facts and without, beforehand,
a single investigation of the alleged weapon of the alleged
crime;
8. To sum up, the nightmare of these Jews and Zionists would
be to have to hear repeated all over a certain sixty-word sentence
pronounced on the air more than twenty years ago on Radio Europe
1, before the journalist Yvan Leva', by a French revisionist,
disciple of Paul Rassinier. Here is that sentence which, at
the time, was to earn me a heavy fine in court:
The alleged Hitlerite gas chambers and the alleged genocide
of the Jews form one and the same historical lie, which has
permitted a gigantic political and financial swindle, the main
beneficiaries of which are the state of Israel and international
Zionism and whose main victims are the German people - but not
their leaders - and the Palestinian people in their entirety.
II. How to wage the fight to quit this silence
1. In November 2000, I spent a week in Iran
at the invitation of the Centre of Strategic Studies, a body directly
attached to the office of the President of the Islamic Republic,
Mr Mohammed Khatami. I had no contact with the country's press,
radio or television but only with a few personalities who were well-informed
about revisionism. I held no public conference but enjoyed an interview
of several hours with the head of the Institute for Scientific Political
Research, Professor Soroush-Nejad and a few of his colleagues. There
again, I was struck by the knowledge of revisionism that certain
Iranians could have. At about that time, the Swiss revisionist J¸rgen
Graf made his appearance in Iran and I am indeed pleased that, some
months later, thanks to his intense activity and to the contacts
which I, at my end, had maintained with the Iranian authorities
after returning to France, the Teheran Times undertook the publication
of a series of revisionist articles, the first of which was to bear
the signature of Professor Soroush-Nejad.
2. In exchange for the information with which I had been able
to provide him, I asked my main partner in discussion within the
said body why, up to the present, revisionism seemed not to have
found much of an echo in the Arab and Muslim countries. He willingly
listed eight reasons. Some of these, in light of the quite recent
events in Palestine, appeared to each of us, by and by, to be no
longer valid; others seemed to be imputable to misunderstandings;
other reasons, in the end, unhappily retained all of their force,
in particular the following: in the Western countries, who ought
to preach by example before complaining of the silence of others,
there were but a laughably small number of revisionists who had
resolutely committed themselves, in their own names and without
any reservations or skillful manoeuvring, to following the road
opened up by P. Rassinier;
3. I attempted to explain that this deplorable record was largely
due to what one must call the fear (metus Judaeorum) inspired everywhere
by the groaning and threatening Jew (which Cicero felt in 59 BC).
I added that no political figure of today, be he Iranian, Lebanese,
Chinese or Japanese, could avoid feeling this fear in the face of
a community so rich and powerful in the Western world that its leaders
have the means with which, at any moment, to invade the media with
their grievances and recriminations in order to demand, in the end,
the economic boycott of whatever nation's leaders failed to make
a rapid enough act of "repentance" or resisted Jewish demands;
4. I then went over the reasons why the leaders of the Muslim
states must nonetheless, as a proper policy, quit their silence
and how, in my opinion, they could do so. I shall not expound on
those reasons here but shall in the following words sum up my feelings
as to the path to follow: one or more of these leaders should cross
the Rubicon resolutely and, above all, without the least thought
of turning back. My long experience (with) the Jews or Zionists
in this regard has convinced me that the hoaxers are disconcerted
by the hardiness of anyone who dares to confront them in the open.
Just as the false witness, if one can catch his glance, must be
questioned eye to eye, so must the Edgar Bronfmans, the Elie Wiesels,
the Simon Wiesenthals (the latter two hate and envy one another
more Judaico), or the rabbis Marvin Hier and Abraham Cooper be defied
in direct proportion to their habitual threats;
5. I warned my hosts against the temptation to resort, be it
only at the first stages, to a form of bastardised revisionism;
here again, experience has proved that wet-dog revisionism leads
to whipping. One must also, in order to take a firmly revisionist
stand, be well acquainted with the physical, chemical, documentary
and historical argumentation of revisionism. I reminded them, for
example, that the myth of the alleged Nazi gas chambers had already
died on 21 February 1979 when, in the daily Le Monde,
thirty-four French historians showed themselves to be unable to
take up my challenge concerning the technical impossibilities of
those absurd chemical slaughterhouses. The general public are unaware
of that event, just as they are unaware of the succession of defeats
and debacles suffered by the holocaustic historians'lobby since
1985 (the date of the first Zündel trial in Toronto). It is now
up to the leaders of the Muslim states to bring out into the light
of day information like this, which is still being kept under a
bushel;
6. In these different countries, institutes of history, sociology
or political studies ought to equip themselves with a section specialising
in historical revisionism. Research resources and archives would
enable scholars from around the world who have been chased out of
their respective countries' universities, centres of research or
libraries because of their revisionist opinions or tendencies to
come to work at the side of their colleagues of the Muslim lands.
The various ministries of education, research, culture, foreign
affairs and information would collaborate on this project of international
scope;
7. If one takes into account the fact that the "Holocaust" religionists
harbour and maintain not only lies but also hatred, it will seem
appropriate to plan the establishment on an international level
of a "Movement against the imposture of the 'Holocaust' and for
friendship among peoples";
8. It would be fitting to try to bring some equilibrium to the
balance of forces in international relations by inviting the political
or diplomatic personnel of the great powers to show more modesty;
these people, who never spare the rest of the world their morality
lessons, should be reminded that they themselves bow a bit too low
before an international mafia specialising in lies, swindles and
contempt for human rights; the so-called international community,
which constantly invokes those rights, should re- establish them
in the cases of revisionists before rebuking those Arab or Muslim
countries for intolerance or obscurantism. Such accusations could
easily be turned against the states which, not tolerating the calling
into question of a legend turned official history and now protected
by special laws, forbid their inhabitants from casting light on
certain historical subjects;
9. A new and powerful medium of information, the Internet, allows
an accelerated spreading of revisionism (see, in particular, the
sites attributed to Ahmed Rami, with their sections in Arabic);
here is a chance for the Arab and Muslim intellectuals, overly influenced
by the dominant ideology in the Western universities where they
have often been educated, to get detoxified from the holocaustic
drug;
10. In sum, the feeling of grave disquiet shown by the Jewish
and Zionist leaders in the face both of the Intifada of young Palestinians
living in destitution and of the activities of revisionists possessing
nothing at all like the economic or financial resources at the disposal
of the Great Holocaustic Mafia reminds one of the ancestral fear
that the rich feel in the face of the poor, the colonisers before
the colonised and the masters at the sight of their slaves. The
Jewish and Zionist leaders groan, threaten and strike. They see
themselves as rich (never rich enough, of course), in possession
of all sorts of weapons (those of brute force as well as those of
blackmail and racketeering) and they know how to make themselves
feared by all the leaders of the most privileged nations; they are,
in particular, aware that the German leaders are devoted to them,
willing to provide even the blood of German soldiers against the
foes of Israel and ready to strengthen still more unmercifully their
repression of revisionism. And yet, Jews and Zionists are haunted
by the thought of having to confront the courage of those who no
longer have anything to lose in the double Intifada, Palestinian
or revisionist. The rich and mighty are enraged to see that they
can be defied as they are by the Palestinians, bare-fisted with
stones, and by the revisionists, barehanded with only their pens.
III. The main target: "the magical gas chamber" (Céline)
Let us learn to take aim. Let us not scatter
our efforts. Let us apply ourselves to setting our attention on
the centre of the adversary's operation. But, the centre of the
huge edifice forming the religion of the "Holocaust" is none other
than the Auschwitz lie. And the heart of the Auschwitz lie is, in
its turn, made up of the prodigious "gas chamber". That is where
we must aim. Placards waved by Palestinian or other Arab demonstrators
bearing the words "The 'Holocaust' of the Jews is a lie", or "The
six million are a lie" would of course worry the "extor-Zionists"
but those formulations remain still too vague; they are less vivid,
less precise and less striking than "The gas chambers are a lie".
No one is able to show us, at Auschwitz or anywhere else, a single
specimen of these chemical slaughterhouses. No one is capable of
describing to us their exact appearance and workings. Neither a
vestige nor a hint of their existence is to be found. Not one document,
not one study, not one drawing. Nothing. Nothing but some occasional,
pitiful "evidence", which, like a mirage, vanishes as soon as one
draws near and which the Jewish historians themselves, in recent
years, have finally been obliged to repudiate. Sometimes, as at
Auschwitz, tourists are shown around an alleged "reconstituted"
gas chamber but the historians, and the Auschwitz museum authorities
too, know quite well that, in the words of the French antirevisionist
historian Eric Conan, "EVERYTHING IN IT IS FALSE" ("Auschwitz: la
mémoire du mal", L'Express, 19-25 January 1995, p.
68). Still, the Jews are lucky. They are believed on their word.
Practically no-one asks to see the technological prodigy that a
Nazi gas chamber would have been, a veritable large-scale chemical
slaughterhouse. Imagine that someone has told you about an aeroplane
capable of transporting two or three thousand passengers from Paris
to New York in one half hour (according to the exterminationist
vulgate, in a single alleged gas chamber at Auschwitz, a batch of
two or three thousand Jews could be killed in half an hour). Would
you not, in order to begin to believe it, demand to see at least
an image of a thing which would constitute a technological leap
forward such as science has never known? Are we not in the age of
exact sciences and the audio-visual? Why this sudden shyness when
it comes to our gas chamber? The peddlers have an easy game. They
show you the equivalent of either your garage or your shower and
tell you: "Here is the place where the Germans gassed the Jews in
groups of a hundred or a thousand". And you lend credence to this.
You are shown human hair like that which you could see at a barber's
or a wig maker's and told, without the least proof, that it is the
hair of gassing victims. You are offered shoes and they are stamped
"shoes of gassing victims". You are presented with photographs of
dead bodies and you believe that you see bodies of the slain. You
are made to shudder at the sight of crematory ovens which are in
fact perfectly unexceptional. There exists a very simple means by
which to show that we are being fooled as concerns the prodigious
yields of German crematory ovens in the 1940s: this is simply to
set them against the present-day yield of the most modern crematoria
of our cities for comparison. I also know an unanswerable way to
prove that the alleged gas chambers for the killing of Jews with
hydrogen cyanide gas could not have existed: it entails visiting
today, as I myself did in 1979, the execution gas chamber of an
American penitentiary, or otherwise acquainting oneself with the
so complex nature of the gas chamber, its so complicated structure
and the so draconian procedure of an execution by gassing, in the
1940s or 50s, in the prisons of Carson City (Nevada), Baltimore
(Maryland) or Parchmann (Mississippi); precisely, those executions
were and are still carried out with hydrogen cyanide gas. They are
so dreadfully dangerous for the executioners that the putting to
death of one individual requires drastic precautions and a most
complex technology (setting aside the recently achieved sophistication
due either to scientific progress or to a multitude of safety measures).
On the subject, let us listen to Céline!
I hold Louis-Ferdinand Céline (1894-1961) to be the loftiest
genius of French literature in the 20th century. His force, his
finesse, his clear-sightedness were incomparable. His existence,
unhappily, was largely one of hardship. From the day in 1937 when
he began to display the fear of seeing a new world war flare up,
he brought on his own doom. He had been seriously wounded during
the First World War and felt the apprehension of a new butchery
with all his body and soul. The Jews, from their end, did not see
things that way. Most of their leaders clamoured for a crusade against
Hitler. Céline then condemned this feverish desire to punish Germany,
this frantic warmongering. He foresaw the catastrophe, and later,
when Great Britain and France had taken it upon themselves to go
to war with Germany, he could only remark in what "fine bedsheets"
France was lying. In 1944, he narrowly escaped the summary justice
then being administered by, in particular, the Jews and the Communists.
He fled to Germany in its agony of the final months of the war,
then to Denmark, where for nearly a year and a half he was imprisoned
in the worst conditions. When he eventually returned to France,
it was to live the life of an outcast. France is a particularly
cruel land for its great writers. It is still the case today, sixty
years after their respective publication in 1937, 1938 and 1941,
that three of his works, masterly satires covered in scorn by the
Jews, remain prohibited de facto. No law, in principle, prevents
their republication but everyone knows that the Jewish organisations
would drum up the scalp dance should Céline's widow, still living,
authorise their appearance. Such is the unwritten law of the modern
Talmud.
Other examples of this Jewish privilege are well known; it is
thus, to cite the case of an academic guilty of having once written
a revisionist sentence, that Bernard Notin has, since 1990, not
been allowed to give any lectures at his Lyon faculty. No law, no
judicial or administrative decision has been made to serve notice
of such a prohibition. Today, in the same university, it is the
turn of Professor Jean-Paul Allard to be marked with the brand of
Cain for having, more than fifteen years ago, presided at the viva
of a revisionist thesis. A veritable manhunt has been mounted against
him. Formerly, if one remarked to the Jews that they tracked down
the revisionists like wild animals, they would protest. They would
dare claim that nothing of the sort was done. But times have changed.
The Jews no longer conceal this practice of theirs and proudly assert
responsibility for such violent actions. On 1 March 2001, the weekly
Actualité Juive headed one of its articles: "La chasse
á Jean-Paul Allard est ouverte" ("The hunt for Jean-Paul Allard
is on"), and the contents of the piece amounted to an incitement
to kill. The Jewish organisations cynically intend to make themselves
feared and it is correct to say, today more than ever, "metus regnat
Judaeorum". In J.-P. Allard's case they seem to be reaching their
goal: just recently, this professor, exhausted by the chase, has
been hospitalised for a stroke and has lost the ability to speak
normally. On another score, the Jews and their friends have succeeded
in attempts to have the revisionist Serge Thion, sociologist and
historian of merit, removed from his post at the Centre national
de la recherche scientifique (CNRS), and this by means of a procedure
so openly arbitrary in nature that the most arrogant of employers
would not use it against his humblest employee lest he have to pay
heavy damages. And I shall say nothing of the suffering endured
by the revisionists who have fought openly, in their own name, the
most admirable for his intelligence and his heart being, in my view,
the German Ernst Zündel. Having been settled in Canada for forty
years, he has waged a titanic struggle against the international
"Holocaust" lobby, aiming particularly to obtain justice for his
maligned homeland. Without him revisionism would have continued
to live in semidarkness. But one cannot swim up the Niagara and,
in the face of an almighty coalition of political, financial and
judicial forces, he has recently been obliged, in spite of some
brilliant victories, to leave Canada. In his new exile, he continues,
with the aid of his German-American wife, Ingrid Rimland, to fight
for a just cause.
If, towards the end of this talk, I have called to mind the lofty
figure of the author of Journey to the End of Night,
it is because Céline, by one of his customary strokes of genius,
had already suspected, just five years after the war, that the alleged
physical extermination of the Jews might be but a fable, a work
of trickery. It must be said that from 1945, floods of Jews from
Central Europe, who were thought to have been exterminated, had
headed for France, when they had not headed for other Western countries
or for Palestine; in France, they had just added their number to
a Jewish community of which four fifths were spared by the wartime
deportation measures. In November 1950, upon a reading of P. Rassinier's
first sizeable work, Le Mensonge d'Ulysse, Céline wrote
to his friend Albert Paraz:
Rassinier is certainly an honest man [...]. His book, admirable,
is going to cause quite a stir - AFTER ALL, it tends to cast
doubt on the magical gas chamber! no small matter! A whole world
of hatreds is going to be compelled to yelp at the Iconoclast!
It was everything, the gas chamber! It permitted EVERYTHING!
In our turn, let us admire this lucid and scintillating vision
of things, this foresight.
Yes, the gas chamber is really "magical". As I have said, no
one, in the end, has proved capable of showing or even of drawing
one for us in reply to my challenge "Show me or draw me a Nazi gas
chamber!" No one has been able to explain its operation to us. No
one has been able to tell us how, at Auschwitz, the Germans could
pour pellets of Zyklon B, a powerful hydrogen cyanide-based insecticide,
into alleged orifices made in the roof of the "gas chamber", considering
that this alleged gas chamber (in reality, a cold room for the storage
of corpses awaiting cremation) has, as a careful eye may note amidst
the ruins, never possessed even a single one of those orifices,
a fact which has permitted me to state the four-word conclusion
"No holes, no 'Holocaust'!" No-one has been able to reveal to us
the mystery, implied by the standard version, which allowed the
squads of Jews under the orders of the Germans (the Sonderkommando)
to enter that great gas chamber with impunity, so soon after the
alleged mass killings, to remove energetically, day after day, the
thousands of corpses lying in tangled heaps. Hydrogen cyanide gas
is difficult to remove by ventilation, a time- consuming process;
it penetrates and lingers within plaster, brick, concrete, wood,
paint and, above all, the skin and the mucous of humans; thus one
could not enter, move about and work in such a manner in what would
effectively be an ocean of deadly poison, handling corpses which,
infused with that poison, would poison whoever touched them. It
is, furthermore, well known to specialists in the field of disinfection
(or disinfestation) that it is essential, in such an atmosphere,
to avoid physical effort for, if such effort is made, the breathing
quickens and the gasmask filter will then allow the poison to pass
through, killing the wearer. Finally, no-one has been able to instruct
us as to how those amazing Jews of the Sonderkommando, ever dragging
out the corpses of their co- religionists, could perform such exploits
whilst eating and smoking (in the version of the "confession" ascribed
to Rudolf Höß, the best known of the successive Auschwitz commandants);
for, if one understands correctly, they did not even wear gasmasks
and smoked amidst the noxious fumes of an explosive gas. Like the
imaginary flower dreamt of by the French symbolist poet Stéphane
Mallarm» (1842-1898), who wrote of "the one missing from every bouquet",
the Nazi gas chamber, capable of astounding works, is "missing from
all reality"; it remains truly magical, but of a sinister and nauseating
magic; it is nothing other than a nightmare that dwells in Jewish
brains whilst, for their part, the high priests of the "Holocaust"
work to make this gruesome illusion come to haunt the world for
eternity, and to hold it in a state of near-hypnosis; their livelihood
depends on it.
Céline is right again to add, on the subject of the magical gas
chamber, that it is "no small matter!" In reality, as he says further
on, it is everything and it permits everything. Without it, the
holocaustic edifice would collapse totally. Pierre Vidal-Naquet,
sorry herald of the antirevisionist struggle, has himself acknowledged
as much when, remarking that some of his friends, grown weary of
the campaign, were decidedly tempted to dump these cumbersome gas
chambers without further ado, he entreated them not to do so and
voiced this cry of alarm: "I beg their pardon: that would be to
surrender in open country" ("Le Secret partag»", Le Nouvel
Observateur, 21 September 1984, p. 80). The Nazi gas chamber
is said to be the only tangible - but, in fact, impossible to find
- evidence of a physical extermination that never took place and
that is, moreover, brazenly described to us as being concerted,
planned, and of a monstrously industrial nature, with production
yields worthy of veritable "death factories".
Céline, finally, is right to conclude "A whole world of hatreds
is going to be compelled to yelp at the Iconoclast!" For my part,
I should add, more than half a century after that prognosis or prophecy,
that the yelps, now more and more deafening, have not ceased for
an instant against the iconoclasts who are the revisionists. In
France the latter are today christened with the barbarous term "négationnistes"
whereas they "negate" or deny nothing but, at the end of their research,
affirm that a gigantic historical imposture holds sway.
Conclusion
T he revisionists haunt the days and nights
of the upholders of Jewish law and of those who Céline - again -
called "the martyrs'trust". Against the revisionists who seek to
protect themselves from it, the said trust is merciless. It drives
some to suicide, causes physical injury and disfigurement, it kills
or forces others into exile. It sets fire to houses and burns books.
It has the police, the judges, the prison authorities do its bidding.
It applies pressure, it extorts and steals. It sets the dogs of
the press on us, it throws us out of our jobs, it heaps insults
upon us. On our side, not one amongst us, to my knowledge, has ever
struck one of these perpetual law enforcers. On 25 April 1995, in
Munich, a German revisionist ended up killing himself, burning himself
alive. He meant this act to be a protest against "the Niagra of
lies" showered upon his people. In his suicide letter, he stated
his hope that the flames which consumed his body would burn as a
beacon for the generations to come. The German police proceeded
to arrest the persons who soon afterwards came to leave a bouquet
at the spot where Reinhold Elstner had immolated himself. On 13
May 2000, the German political science professor Werner Pfeiffenberger,
aged 58, ended his own life after having long endured a legal persecution
launched against him by a Jewish journalist in Vienna, one Karl
Pfeifer, who had detected a whiff of revisionism (called, of course,
neo-Nazism) in the academic's writings.
The revisionists live a life of hardship and the Palestinians
are living a tragedy. In particular, many Palestinian children are
destined for a sorrowful fate. Their Israeli killers are, on a modest
scale, the worthy successors of the US Air Force, the military corps
which, in all of a cruel human history, has contributed to killing,
mutilating, disfiguring or starving more children than any other,
first in Germany and elsewhere in Europe, then in Japan, in Vietnam
and in much of the rest of Asia, then in the Near- and Middle East
and, finally, in still many other places in the world whenever the
American soldier receives from his masters the order to hunt down
a new "Hitler" and to prevent a new "genocide".
May the leaders of the Muslim states hear the Palestinians'and
the revisionists'appeals! Our ordeals are similar and our Intifadas
identical.
May those leaders finally quit their silence on the biggest imposture
of modern times: that of the "Holocaust"!
May they, especially, denounce the lie of the alleged Nazi gas
chambers! After all, not one of the leaders on the winning side
of the Second World War, despite their hatred of Hitler's Germany,
stooped so low as to claim that such gas chambers had existed. During
that war, in their speeches, as afterwards, in their memoirs, never
did Churchill, or de Gaulle, or Eisenhower once mention this demonic
horror which they well saw to have been laboriously peddled during
the war by propaganda agencies. Already a quarter of a century ago,
in a masterly book, the American professor Arthur Robert Butz called
the grand imposture "the Hoax of the Twentieth Century". That century
is over and as for its hoax, it must vanish into the rubbish bins
of history.
The tragedy of the Palestinians demands it, the ordeal of the
revisionists makes it essential and the cause of humanity as a whole
makes it our historical, political and moral duty: the Grand Imposture
must be denounced. It is a fomenter of hatred and war. It is in
the interest of all that the leaders of the Muslim states quit their
silence on the imposture of the "Holocaust".
|
|