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READ: A Challenge
from the USHMM, Part 1
A Challenge from the USHMM:
A Revisionist Response, Part 2
The Museum's Evidence for Gas Chambers
By Theodore J. O'Keefe
The core of the Holocaust
story is the assertion that the Nazis massacred millions of Jews
in gas chambers, then disposed of their bodies in crematoria. While
no one disputes the existence of concentration camps or that the
bodies of dead inmates were cremated, revisionists do dispute the
claim that the Germans installed or operated homicidal gas chambers
in the concentration camps.
To begin with: soon after the
United States Holocaust Memorial
Museum opened, its director of archives, Brewster Chamberlin,
boasted to the Washington Post: "We have the blueprints, the drawings,
the change orders for all of the buildings including the crematoria
and the gas chambers. This is the material that will finally shut
up the [Holocaust] deniers."(WP, April 17, 1994)
Yet the Museum's permanent exhibition displays no
such blueprints, drawings, or "change orders"-or any other direct
evidence for the existence of Nazi gas chambers. To be sure, the
Museum does display a casting of what former USHMM official Michael
Berenbaum has described as a "door to a gas chamber in the Majdanek
death camp," and a plastic model by a sculptor that depicts a mass
gassing in an Auschwitz crematorium. Neither of these exhibits,
however, by the admission of the USHMM's first director, Jeshajahu
Weinberg, satisfies even the Museum's own stated "principle of authenticity,"
much less the principles of those of us who are willing to think
independently
Just as the U.S. Holocaust Museum is allegedly the
property of all Americans, without regard to ethnicity, religious,
or ideological belief, so is the right to the truth about the Jewish
Holocaust story - and the obligation to speak out for it. The Museum
still has time to rectify its exhibits -or, failing that, to refute
the criticism advanced here. Otherwise, the permanent exhibition
of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum risks becoming, itself,
a powerful exhibit giving the lie to the standard version of the
Holocaust story.
Former USHMM official Michael Berenbaum has described
a "door to a gas chamber in the Majdanek death camp," and a plastic
model by a sculptor that depicts a mass gassing in an Auschwitz
crematorium. Neither of these exhibits, however, by the admission
of the USHMM's first director, Jeshajahu Weinberg, satisfies even
the Museum's own stated "principle of authenticity," much less the
principles of those of us who are willing to think independently.
According to Weinberg, "The team [which designed the permanent exhibition]
deviated from the principle of authenticity in very few cases."
These included "the door to a gas chamber in the Majdanek death
camp" and "a scale model of one of the Auschwitz gas chambers. This
model and the few fiberglass replicas were the only exceptions to
the rule of including only authentic artifacts." (Weinberg & Elieli,
p. 57)
That the Museum's two exhibits that depict gas chambers
are only "representations" of gas chambers or parts of gas chambers,
and not the real thing, is no accident. The fact that the Museum
displays neither the promised Auschwitz gas chamber blueprints or
any other contemporary German document substantiating the gas chambers
is no accident, either.
The Museum's "door to a gas chamber in the Majdanek
death camp" proves to be a fiberglass casting of an airtight door
equipped with a peephole and locking latches that, as exhibited,
is easily visible only from the front, since it is shielded by Plexiglas.
While an airtight door with a peephole may satisfy some as evidence
of mass murder, in fact the door was widely sold throughout Germany,
both before and during the war, for purposes which included air
defense (to protect against bomb blast, smoke, and gas) and fumigationwith
poisonous gases. The placard that accompanies this exhibit notes:
"Gas chambers had an airtight metal door, which was bolted shut
once the victims were inside." Okay. But the Museum visitor who
takes the trouble to peer through the Plexiglas to make out the
back of the door will see that it has internal latches, which allow
for those inside the room to open the door themselves, from the
inside. Why are there internal latches on the inside of a gas chamber
door where tens of thousands of people are going to be exterminated?
The placard which describes the "gas chamber door"
on exhibit at the Museum fails to note that the only purpose the
Majdanek door served that can be shown with certainty was to seal
a chamber in order to delouse clothes and other personal effects
with insecticide. Nor is it only revisionist scholars who have come
to this conclusion. Jean-Claude Pressac, a Frenchman hired by the
Nazi hunters Serge and Beate Klarsfeld to rebut revisionist research,
has been permitted unparalleled access to the archives of Auschwitz
and Majdanek. Although he differs with revisionists on many points,
he has written of the alleged homicidal gas chamber door the USHMM
has on exhibit:
The problem, for there is one, is that the gas chamber presented
has all the characteristics of a DELOUSING operation. I am not
saying that it was never used to kill people, for that is still
possible, but the traces of Prussian blue are an absolutely
certain indication of use for delousing purposes. I am sorry
to say, and I am not the only one in the West, that the Maidanek
homicidal and/or delousing chambers are still waiting for a
true historian, which is mildly upsetting in view of the fact
that the camp fell into the hands of the Russians intact in
1944.
(J.C. Pressac, Auschwitz: Technique and Operation of the
Gas Chambers,Beate Klarsfeld Foundation, NY:1989, p.
555, in reference to picture no. 30, p. 557).
The picture of the structure Pressac is discussing
shows a door identical to a picture of the door at Majdanek cast
for the USHMM, which appears on p. 138 of Michael Berenbaum's book
The World Must Know (Little, Brown & Co., Boston, 1993).
Even more dubious than the Majdanek door casting,
in terms of conforming to the USHMM's "principle of authenticity,"
is the Museum's display of a sculptor's depiction of an alleged
gassing at Auschwitz. According to Weinberg, "The team also commissioned
the Polish sculptor Jan Stobierski to create a scale model of one
of the Auschwitz gas chambers. Years before, he had created a similar
model for display in the Auschwitz site museum."(Weinberg and Elieli,
p. 57)
So, instead of the blueprints, the drawings, and
the change orders for all of the buildings including the crematoria
and the gas chambers" - the material that USHMM archives director
Chamberlin promised would "shut up the deniers" - what the Museum
actually exhibits is an artist's conception of a mass gassing.
The first reason for this recourse to art, rather
than truth, is that the Auschwitz blueprints for the crematoria,
which do exist, contain nothing whatever about a gas chamber. Indeed,
after combing through the hundreds of documents relating to the
design and construction of the Auschwitz crematoria, Pressac and
his allies have been reduced to hypothesizing "gas chambers" on
the alleged evidence of a few dozen "traces" - which, individually
and collectively, point to nothing more sinister than routine civil
defense or disinfection procedures.
The function of the "model" is not to demonstrate
gassing procedures through reference to actual documents - it is
to dramatize the mere accusation that such gassings took place by
depicting the artistically imagined agony of Stobierski's hundreds
of tiny nude figurines. These are what grip the viewer. The viewer
will not wonder whether the hollow, wire mesh "columns" which in
the "model" serve for the intromission of the Zyklon B granules
actually appear that way on the blueprint. In fact, they do not.
The blueprint shows the columns to be solid concrete members supporting
the roof. If you go to Birkenau today, you will see this for yourself.
The visitor will not question the 6' x 8' make-shift
flatbed "elevator" to carry the hundreds of corpses upstairs to
the crematory ovens. The viewer will not know that the various "eyewitness"
accounts of alleged Auschwitz gassings, supposedly relied on by
Stobierski, often differ wildly. For instance, that of late USHM
council member Hadassah Rosensaft, who swore in the Belsen trial
of 1945 that the lethal gas was piped in through showerheads, not
dropped in granules through holes in the roof-as shown in the sculpture
(Trial of Joseph Kramer, p. 68).
Without the blueprints, without the sort of technical
analysis of the "gas chambers" that had to await revisionist experts
such as Fred Leuchter and
Germar Rudolf,
forty and fifty years after the war, Stobierski's model of a gassing
is sheer artistic license, while it's exhibition by the Museum is
mere propaganda.
It may surprise you that the USHMM would exhibit
an artist's model of the ruined crematorium II of Auschwitz-Birkenau,
and a commercially manufactured air raid shelter door from Majdanek,
as its strongest evidence for the existence of homicidal gas chambers.
It doesn't surprise us. After all, there is an alleged gas chamber
on display at the Auschwitz State Museum that has been exhibited
to millions of visitors over half a century as the place where untold
thousands of Jews and others were gassed. Why not use a casting
from that place, or recreate it in its entirety?
Perhaps, we hope, because the USHMM authorities
have (tacitly) at last subscribed to what revisionists like Professor
Robert Faurisson and the American Jewish documentary filmmaker David
Cole learned from the authorities of the Auschwitz State Museum
years ago: that the facility shown to tourists as a homicidal gas
chamber in its original state is, at best, a postwar "reconstruction",
as even Robert Jan Van Pelt has been forced to admit.
The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum's founders,
designers, and directors have declared again and again their purpose
to document the orthodox version of the Holocaust story in order
to "shut up" revisionists. Yet they have not even "put up" the evidence
they claim to have (the blueprints that show the gas chambers),
let alone the evidence necessary to properly demonstrate that the
Germans did, indeed, murder millions of human beings using poison
gas.
Anti-German Riots?
Not far from the fake Hitler
order for the slaughter of Polish civilians, many visitors to the
USHMM, including President Clinton, have paused before a large tableau
of photographs said to represent Poles and Jews murdered by the
Germans. The placard that interprets this exhibit, "Terror in Poland,"
states: "Some of the worst atrocities carried out during the German
invasion took place in Bydgoszcz, where German army troops killed
10,500 Poles in retaliation for anti-German riots that occurred
there."; Four of the nine photographs depict Poles from the town
of Bydgoszcz.
To call what took place at Bydgoszcz (perhaps better
known by its German name of "Bromberg") at the outset of the Second
World War "anti-German riots" is to misstate the facts, again, so
seriously that it calls into question the real intentions of the
Museum. At Bydgoszcz, as in other places in western Poland where
German minority populations came under attack in September 1939,
numerous ethnic German civilians were brutally killed by Poles enraged
by news of the German military advances. Many thousands of other
Germans of Polish nationality were arrested and evacuated to concentration
camps, either in cattle cars or on foot.
Professor Richard Blanke, an American academic historian
who has made perhaps the most thorough investigation of the various
accounts, Polish and German, of what befell the German minority
in western Poland at the outset of the war, describes the fate of
one group of German civilians from Bydgoszcz:
What followed was a human tragedy of major proportions. One
group from Bydgoszcz numbered about 4,000 people and was made
to travel fifty-eight kilometers, without food or water, in
the first day and night. As bad news arrived from the front,
crowds gathered to take out their frustration and rage on the
trekkers; guards described them as "German rebels" and "traitors"
and did little to keep by-standers from clubbing and stoning
the defenseless marchers. Those who failed to keep up were summarily
shot; many died along the way, including forty-four in a single
day from this particular group.
(Blanke, Orphans of Versailles:The Germans in Western
Poland, 1918-1939, University Press of Kentucky, Lexington,
KY: 1993, pp. 232-233.)
The American historian Alfred de Zayas cites the following report from
Ulrich Schattenberg, a German military judge who from September
9th to 13th, 1939 investigated, in and around Bydgoszcz, what the
USHMM informs President Clinton and other visitors were "anti-German
riots":
I even saw the partially burned corpses of murdered ethnic
Germans. Many Germans had to watch the murder of their fathers,
brothers, or children without being allowed to relieve their
pain if they did not die immediately. While this was going on,
they were even insulted and jeered at by the soldiers and the
mob. In other cases, they were forced to witness the murder
of their relatives before becoming themselves victims and beaten
or shot to death. (Quoted in de Zayas, Alfred, The
Wehrmacht War Crimes Bureau, University of Nebraska Press,
Lincoln, NE: 1989, p. 130)
German authorities predictably sought to magnify
the September, 1939 murders of German civilians in western Poland
for propaganda impact. Indeed, Adolf Hitler ordered that the death
toll be reported as 58,000, a figure that contemporary historians
such as Blanke and de Zayas regard as far too high. Nevertheless,
scholars who have investigated the matter have estimated that at
least two thousand and, more likely, five or six thousand German
civilians were massacred. As Richard Blanke points out, this figure
would exceed two percent of the German population of western Poland
at the time.
To be sure, the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum is
devoted virtually entirely to commemorating the sufferings of Jews
at hands of the Nazis and their allies in World War II. And there
is no doubt that the Museum has chosen to ignore the sufferings
of the innocent in the Axis populations, including the more than
a million civilian victims of Allied bombing attacks.
For all that, we have been assured that great care
has been taken with assembling and describing the exhibition. To
cite yet another assurance from ex-director Weinberg, "To preclude
definitively revisionist declarations by antisemitic pseudo scholars
all visual details of the exhibitions, as well as all its textual
explanations, were thoroughly scrutinized by leading Holocaust historians
to ensure their factual accuracy." (Weinberg, The World Must
Know, p. xv)
We know as well that policy makers for the Museum,
including the guiding U.S. Holocaust Memorial Council and influential
private contributors, attach great importance to the idea that events
of the European Jewish tragedy of the 1930s and '40s not be undercut
through mischaracterization or mislabeling. Thus John Roth, hired
in 1998 to direct the Museum's Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies,
was forced to resign before even assuming his duties when it was
discovered that, years before, he had likened the harsh Israeli
repression of the Palestinian intifada to German anti-Jewish measures
(although not mass extermination).
Like many Museum officials, former director Jeshajahu
Weinberg has characterized the USHMM as a universal voice against
oppression:
"However, the Museum is also a powerful statement of protest
against racism, an outcry against genocide, and a warning against
the dangers of fascism. It is widely expected to serve as a
voice of morality in matters pertinent, or sometimes only tangential,
to its specific historical narrative. Thus in different ways
the voice of the Museum was heard in public on such issues as
the massacres in Rwanda, the "ethnic cleansing" in the former
Yugoslavia, anti-Semitism in Poland, the discrimination against
Gypsies in Germany, the killing of Kurds in Iraq, and other
current world events. (Weinberg and Elieli, p. 174)
But how does disguising the violence done to helpless
German non-combatants as "riots" serve the cause of vigilance against
today's attempts to rationalize or to minimize "ethnic cleansing"
and the like?
Aside from its disservice to the Holocaust Museum's
proclaimed fidelity to historical truth, the belittling of the slaughtered
German civilians of 1939 suggests that a blind eye will be turned
to the sufferings of today's politically inopportune victims, whether
the Palestinians with whom John Roth empathized, or others for whom
the Museum's voice is silent.
It is noteworthy how large the revisionist challenge
has loomed in the minds of the organizers and directors of the United
States Holocaust Memorial Museum. To believe their statements, at
the very least; the existence of revisionism prodded the USHMM staff
to a very high standard of historical authenticity and accuracy.
In this version, revisionists would have functioned as did, until
recently, the devil's advocate in the Roman Catholic Church, by
way of marshaling all the evidence against a candidate for sainthood.
Thus were the most stringent standards for canonization upheld.
And thus, the Museum officials have told us, have revisionists played
the important role of devils advocate in encouraging the highest
standards of historical accuracy for the Museum's permanent exhibition
on the Holocaust.
Nevertheless, this essay has sought to demonstrate
that the USHMM, far from confounding revisionist critics by demonstrating
the truth of the canonical Holocaust story through exhibiting convincing
evidence, in reality fudged, faked, forged, and otherwise falsified
the truth. Accurate captions, authentic photographs, actual relics
there are aplenty - but not where it concerns a Hitler order or
a Nazi policy to annihilate the Jews; not where evidence of mass
gassing is concerned; not where the facts about commandant of Auschwitz's
confession and the lie about its several million victims is concerned.
Were the Museum's planners afraid to confront the
issue of the absence of a Fuehrer order - and the companion problem
of the existence of an abundance of non-lethal orders, directives,
and opinions from Hitler on solving the "Jewish question"?
Did they fear that by exhibiting a replica of one
of the diesel engines supposed to have gassed hundreds of thousands
of victims with carbon monoxide in Treblinka, they would have aroused
skepticism among engineers aware of a diesel's unsuitability for
generating CO?
Did the USHMM worry that by touching on the gas
chambers alleged in other camps, such as Dachau, where establishment
scholars of the extermination assure us now that nobody was gassed,
they would arouse skepticism among everybody else?
By so scantily and falsely explaining a single "affidavit"
by Rudolf Hoess, do Weinberg and his colleagues telegraph their
terror at confronting the unraveling fabric of all of Hoess's confessions
and "memoirs," for instance, his claim that he was ordered in 1941
to build the Birkenau gas chambers, of which none appears on the
Birkenau blueprints the Museum boasts of having but won't exhibit?
Whatever the fears of the men and women who constructed
the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, revisionists and other Americans
may assume that what is on exhibit there today represents the best
the USHMM has to offer to silence, or as one of them put it, to
"shut up" the revisionists. By now, you will excuse us, perhaps,
for not shutting up. Certain European nations, such as Germany and
France, have found it expedient to silence dissent on the orthodox
Holocaust story by outlawing it. In the United States, the First
Amendment to our Constitution has so far frustrated such measures.
But concerted pressures, focused by groups such as the Anti-Defamation
League, have been largely successful in driving revisionism from
the academy, from the publishing houses, from mass media.
The resultant absence of challenge, of question,
of debate has resulted in a history of the Holocaust that is saddled
with self-celebration and choked with rot in the academies, in the
media, in the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum itself. Had revisionist
skepticism guided, for instance, the publishers who recently fell
for Benjamin Wilkomirski's fictional Holocaust memoir, Fragments,
it would not have seen print (the author was born and brought up
as a Protestant in Switzerland at the time he claims to have been
a Jewish child in Majdanek and Auschwitz). Had the founders of the
U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum's permanent exhibition been informed
by revisionist doubt, perhaps this essay need not have been written.
Just as the U.S. Holocaust Museum is allegedly the
property of all Americans, without regard to ethnicity, religious,
or ideological belief, so is the right to the truth about the Jewish
Holocaust story - and the obligation to speak out for it. The Museum
still has time to rectify its exhibits -or, failing that, to refute
the criticism advanced here. Otherwise, the permanent exhibition
of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum risks becoming, itself,
a powerful exhibit giving the lie to the standard version of the
Holocaust story.
No other historical event enjoys the massive, separate
commemoration on the national Mall in Washington that is accorded
to the Holocaust, the catastrophe suffered by the European Jews
during the Second World War. The authorities who created the U.S.
Holocaust Memorial Museum have sought to exploit to the full, and
beyond, this privileged location for what is largely a non-American
tragedy. As Seymour Siegel, formerly executive director of the council
that designed the Museum, stated, for the Holocaust story to be
told "at the most prestigious spot for a museum in the western world,
perhaps in the whole world, puts on a scientific and unshakable
basis the truth of our story and the accuracy of events" (quoted
in Edward Linenthal, Preserving Memory: The Struggle to Create
America's Holocaust Museum [New York: Viking, 1995], p. 63).
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