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Learning from the September 11 Attacks
By Mark Weber
With thousands of victims
and riveting images of death and destruction, war has come home
to America with terrible, devastating suddenness. Together with
our fellow citizens, we mourn the many victims of the September
11 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in New York and the
Pentagon building. But beyond the feelings of grief and fury must
come clarity and understanding.
President George W. Bush said on national television that "America
was targeted for attack because we're the brightest beacon for freedom
and opportunity in the world." The next day he said that "freedom
and democracy are under attack," and that the perpetrators had struck
against "all freedom-loving people everywhere in the world."
But if "democracy" and "freedom-loving people" are the targets,
why isn't anyone attacking Switzerland, Japan or Norway? Bush's
claims are just as untrue as President Wilson's World War I declaration
that the United States was fighting to "make the world safe for
democracy," and President Roosevelt's World War II assurances that
the US was fighting for "freedom" and "democracy."
In the wake of the September 11 attacks, speculation has been
rife about who the perpetrators may have been. That itself is an
acknowledgment that so many people hate this country so intensely
that one cannot easily determine just who may have mounted these
well-organized attacks of suicidal desperation.
These shocking attacks were predictable. In 1993 Islamic radicals
set off a bomb at the World Trade Center that claimed six lives.
In August 1998 the United States carried out missile attacks against
Afghanistan and Sudan, strikes that senior Clinton administration
officials said signaled the start of "a real war against terrorism."
In the wake of those attacks, a high-ranking US intelligence official
warned that "the prospect of retaliation against Americans is very,
very high'." (The Washington Post, Aug. 21, 1998, p.
A1)
Our political leaders and the American mass media promote the
preposterous fiction that the September 11 attacks are entirely
unprovoked and unrelated to United States actions. They want everyone
to believe that the underlying hatred of America by so many around
the world, especially in Arab and Muslim countries, that motivated
the perpetrators of the September 11 attacks is unrelated to this
country's policies. It is clear, however, that those who carried
out these devastating suicide attacks against centers of American
financial and military might were enraged by this country's decades-long
support for Israel and its policies of aggression, murderous repression,
and brutal occupation against Arabs and Muslims, and/or American
air strikes and economic warfare against Afghanistan, Sudan, Iraq
and Iran.
America is the only country that claims the right to deploy troops
and war planes in any corner of the globe in pursuit of what our
political leaders call "vital national interests." George Washington
and our country's other founders earnestly warned against such imperial
arrogance, while far-sighted Americans such as Harry Elmer Barnes,
Garet Garrett and Pat Buchanan voiced similar concerns in the 20th
century.
For most Americans modern war has largely been an abstraction
-- something that happens only in far-away lands. The victims of
US air attack and bombardment in Vietnam, Lebanon, Sudan, Libya,
Iraq and Serbia have seemed somehow unreal. Few ordinary Americans
pay attention, because US military actions normally have little
impact on their day-to-day lives.
Just as residents of Rome in the second century hardly noticed
the battles fought by their troops on the outer edges of the Roman
empire, residents of Seattle and Cleveland today barely concern
themselves with the devastation wrought by American troops and war
planes in, for example, Iraq.
Ramsey Clark, former US Attorney General, has accused the United
States of committing "a crime against humanity" against the people
of Iraq "that exceeds all others in its magnitude, cruelty and portent."
Citing United Nations agency reports and his own on-site investigations,
Clark charged in 1996 that the scarcity of food and medicine as
a result of sanctions against Iraq imposed by the United States
since 1990, and US bombings of the country, had caused the deaths
of more than a million people, including more than half a million
children.
Madeleine Albright, Secretary of State in President Clinton's
administration, defended the mass killings. During a 1996 interview
she was asked: "We have heard that half a million children have
died [as a result of sanctions against Iraq]. I mean, that is more
children than died in Hiroshima...Is the price worth it?" Albright
replied: "...We think the price is worth it." ("60 Minutes," May
12, 1996).
President Bush is now pledging a "crusade," a "war against terrorism"
and a "sustained campaign" to "eradicate the evil of terrorism."
But such calls sound hollow given the US government's own record
of support for terrorism, for example during the Vietnam war. During
the 1980s, the US supported "terrorists" in Afghanistan -- including
Osama bin Laden, now the "prime suspect" in the September 11 attacks
-- in their struggle to drive out the Soviet invaders.
American presidents have warmly welcomed to the White House Menachem
Begin and Yitzhak Shamir, two Israeli prime ministers with well-documented
records as terrorists. President Bush himself has welcomed to Washington
Israel's current prime minister, Ariel Sharon, whose forces have
been carrying out assassinations of Palestinian leaders and murderous
"retaliatory" strikes against Palestinians. Even an official Israeli
commission found that Sharon bore some responsibility for the 1982
massacres of Palestinian civilians in the Sabra and Shatila refugee
camps.
Jewish and Zionist leaders, and their American servants, have
predictably lost no time exploiting the September 11 attacks to
further their own interests. Taking advantage of the current national
mood of blind rage and revenge, they demand new US military action
against Israel's many enemies.
In the weeks to come, therefore, we can expect the US government,
supported by an enraged public, to lash out violently. The great
danger is that an emotion-driven, reactive response will aggravate
underlying tensions and encourage new acts of murderous violence.
What is needed now is not a vengeful "crusade," but coherent,
reasoned policies based on sanity and justice.
In the months and years ahead, most Americans will doubtless
continue to accept what their political leaders and the mass media
tell them.
But the jolting impact of the September 11 attacks -- which have,
for the first time, brought to our cities the terror and devastation
of attacks from the sky -- will also encourage growing numbers of
thoughtful Americans to see through the lies propagated by our nation's
political and cultural elite, and its Zionist allies, to impose
their will around the world. More and more people will understand
that their government's overseas policies inevitably have consequences
even here at home.
In 1948, as the Zionist state was being established in Palestine,
US Secretary of State George C. Marshall, along with nearly every
other high-level US foreign affairs specialist, warned that American
support for Israel would have dire long-term consequences. Events
have fully vindicated their concerns.
Over the long run, the September 11 attacks will encourage public
awareness of our government's imperial role in the world, including
a sobering reassessment of this country's perverse "special relationship"
with the Jewish ethnostate. Along with that, rage will grow against
those who have subordinated American interests, and basic justice
and humanity, to Jewish-Zionist ambitions.
For more than 20 years the IHR has sought, through its educational
work, to prevent precisely such horrors as the attacks in New York
and Washington. In the years ahead, as we continue our mission of
promoting greater public awareness of history and world affairs,
and a greater sense of public responsibility for the policies that
generated the rage behind the September 11 attacks, this work will
be more important than ever.
This article is reprinted with permission. Mark Weber is
the Director of the Institute for Historical Review. The Institute
for Historical Review may be contacted at PO Box 2739, Newport Beach,
CA 92659 or online at: www.ihr.org.
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