Published by Focal Point for David Irving's world-wide legal
Fighting Fund (DIFF)
Update AR #11 - December 18, 1996
- David Irving: Why I am taking the Board of Deputies of British
Jews to Court
- Richard Nixon's and John F Kennedy's shocking views recorded
in private diaries
- Germany's "most democratic government ever" bans still more
books
- Revisionists and the Press: a Cartoonist's View from Oregon
- and, as always, "A Radical's Diary"

Günter Deckert
- Schoolteacher and Father is Jailed by German Thought Police
[ Index |
Pittsburgh |
Australia | Radical's Diary |
Book Reviews |
Letters | Law Report |
Board of Deputies |
Opinion ]
U.S. Judge Blasts Hotel Group's "Unlawful" Attempts to Suppress
Ideas, Free Speech
Pittsburgh Court Victory against Millionaire U.S. Hall Owner
PITTSBURGH -- In a satisfying victory over the massed forces of the
traditional enemies of the truth, a U.S. District Judge, Judith Friedman,
ordered the owners of the huge Expomart exhibition hall in Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania, to abandon their attempts to prevent writer David Irving
from attending the annual military exhibition there and showing his
many works of history to the thousands of collectors and enthusiasts
who attend the show from all over the world.
Later, hundreds
of dealers and collectors signed a petion demanding that these attempts
at suppressing free speech should stop.
Mr Irving has attended
the show annually for the last six years, and was often in demand as
an evening speaker there. A few days before the current show was due
to open, his London office received an urgent letter from the exhibition
organisers regretting that the hall's wealthy owners had instructed
them not to allow him to attend.
Pittsburgh newspapers reported
that the local Holocaust museum had brought pressure to bear. Mr Irving
- who had signed a contract and paid for the exhibition space one year
earlier - went straight to Pittsburgh and hired lawyer Robert Garber.
They secured an emergency court hearing before Judge Friedman that same
afternoon.
"This is not Germany and not Canada," said Judge Friedman. "This
is the United States of America, and freedom of speech is still
not a criminal offence here!"
Rosenberg, lawyer for the Expomart, lodged an immediate appeal against
the injunction that the judge granted to the British historian. The
appeal was heard the very next day, and hall owners lost again.
Eddie Lewis, millionaire owner of the ExpoMart and a close Oxford-days
friend of President Clinton, has informed his attorneys however that
money is no object and they are to smash Mr Irving, by appealing all
the way to Washington against his victory if necessary.
One tiny
triumph for Lewis: the judge had ordered the writer to post a cash bond
of $10,000 before she would sign the injunction. Lewis, Rosenberg and
the ExpoMart have so far prevented the court from returning the bond
to the Englishman, despite his two court victories.
He has
now instructed his lawyer, Bob Garber, to institute proceedings against
them claiming damages for unlawful interference with a contractual relationship,
conspiracy, and on other counts.
[ Top
| Pittsburgh |
Australia |
Radical's Diary |
Book Reviews |
Letters | Law Report |
Board of Deputies |
Opinion ]
Irving Accuses Prime Minister over Libels
Australia Reverts to Suppression of Speech
MELBOURNE -- Prime minister John Howard broke his promise to restore
freedom of speech to Australia in an unexpected about face in November.
Confronted with a tide of popular enthusiasm for Pauline Hanson,
a newly elected Member of Parliament, after her outspoken maiden speech
on race issues, Mr Howard had incautiously announced on September 22
that his country would put forced "political correctness" behind it.
Journalists at once inquired if this would include British writer
David Irving? Could the prime minister's remarks be construed to imply
that he would now be given the visa that he had twice been refused?
Perched on the horns of a dilemma, Howard and immigration minister
Philip Ruddock prevaricated. For two months Australia's newspapers were
filled with stories and editorials on the Irving issue.
On Nov.
8, at a press conference in Sydney, Ruddock announced that nothing had
changed. Mr Irving would not be granted a visa even now.
Prime
minister Howard, enjoying the freedom of speech which he had once again
denied to the British writer, stated on one radio programme that Mr
Irving was a "nutter"; on Melbourne radio he libelled him as a "crackpot
historian", with criminal records in Britain, Germany, Canada, and elsewhere.
Mr Irving instructed his solicitors in Perth, West Australia, to
write immediately to the prime minister and extract an apology from
him for these libels. He has no criminal record in Britain and Canada,
and his crime in Germany, of uttering one sentence in a historical lecture,
for which he was fined $22,000, would not be considered a crime in any
other country on earth.
If Howard fails to make a public apology,
Irving's solicitors are instructed to issue a libel writ. It is likely
that the prime minister was wrongly advised on the writer's "criminal
record".
The Australian government retaliated with a newspaper
story that they are now to claim $50,000 from the writer for legal costs
incurred in the fourth round of his legal battle to force them to grant
him a visa, to enable him to speak on modern history to the thousands
of Australians who have written asking to hear him.
Earlier Appeal Rejected
PERTH -- Earlier this year, handing down its decision in July, the
full Federal Court had again rejected Mr Irving's attempts to overturn
the entry ban.
Judge Nicholson opened the opinion with words
which indicated that she recognised that the "bad character" criterion
was just a ploy to suppress freedom of speech [see page 4]. Judge Lee
stated in his decision:
Counsel for [David Irving] submitted that the meaning of "good
character", as used in the 1989 regulations and in the 1993 regulations,
was a meaning that was consistent with the maintenance of
public security and safety, and that if the presence of the
appellant in Australia would involve no such threat it should be
concluded that the appellant had satisfied the required test. The
appellant's contention is not without substance....
The court's negative opinion was however based on Germany's conviction
of Mr Irving for "defaming the memory of the dead" (he queried factual
details of the legends about gas chambers), his (illegal) detention
by Canada in Nov. 1992, which Jewish bodies had engineered, and his
subsequent brief imprisonment by the British High Court without trial
for contempt of court in 1994.
The Australian judges agreed with
Canberra that these points suggested he did not have the good character
required of all visitors to their country. (Mr Irving pointed out in
one television broadcast that without the immigration of deportees and
criminals, there would not have been any Australia today.)
Laurence
Maher, professor of law at the University of Melbourne, who has already
written a learned article disapproving of the government's attempts
to gag Mr Irving by immigration bans, has argued that the new regulation
is in its vague terms beyond the powers granted by the Immigration Act,
and also contrary to the implied constitutional entitlement to freedom
of expression on political and public affairs.
Irving's counsel,
Peter Bates, argued before the court at its hearing on Mar. 21 that
the German law under which Germany handed down the conviction and $22,000
fine on the historian which released this avalanche of worldwide bans
would have been unconstitutional in Australia.
It would violate
the country's signature to the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights which is incorporated into Australian--but evidently not German--law
(in the second schedule of the Human Rights & Equal Opportunities Act,
1986).
[
Top | Pittsburgh
| Australia |
Radical's Diary |
Book Reviews |
Letters | Law Report |
Board of Deputies |
Opinion ]
 By
David Irving
From my base in Key West I phone John Sanders, a book publisher
& distributor in Tennessee, to take up his offer to handle the besieged
GOEBBELS biography.
On the phone from London Benté says that
Jessica has a nasty cough; I speak with Jessica, she burbles piteously.
Then I phone Andrew Page, lawyer acting for The Observer and Gitta Sereny,
to ask where is the Defence to my libel writ?
In London, the
Literary Review has asked Christopher Hitchens, the well known Washington
journalist, to review NUREMBERG, THE LAST BATTLE: that's good.
I send him this fax:
I fear they have sent you the version of the MS before my three
political correctness sub-editors got to work on it. You should
discard this text and wait for the proper text.
I RECEIVE A NICE LETTER [from one of Britain's top two publishers],
asking about CHURCHILL'S WAR, vol. ii. Then I cycle out to the Rusty
Anchor eatery, pedalling in blustery, stormy conditions along the Atlantic
boulevard. I have just reached Houseboat Row when the back tyre blows
out. Great difficulty flagging down a truck in pouring rain, which takes
me and the bike home.
Work until midnight revising CHURCHILL.
No food in the house, and all restaurants here packed out.
I LIE AWAKE A LONG TIME worrying about Günter Deckert and his
family. [Deckert, jailed in Germany for translating Fred Leuchter's
1991 lecture, has now been given a further two-year term for organizing
a lecture for David Irving in 1990. SEE FOOT OF THIS PAGE.]
I write him this letter, sending cop ies direct to him in prison and
via his lawyer Dr Bock:
Dear Günter,
I am shocked about what the police-state
has done to you yet again. I shall not let your case be forgotten,
while you are held in prison.
On my September tour of various
countries, I shall speak to many audiences, and I shall always mention
your case. Please ensure that a copy of the judgement is sent to
me, as I want to get the facts right.
* I PHONE MY OLD FRIEND Don F. at his new editorial posting,
The Viking Press in New York (full circle: they first published my HITLER'S
WAR in 1977!); he sounds very congenial, says he's shown the GOEBBELS
book to several friends, calls it ironically "a hot property".
I say that in the USA the book is currently "dead in the water."
Don says that the muckraking Frank Rich phoned him to get dirt on the
book before writing his Op-Ed piece for The New York Times, but he refused
to help, saying he'd read it and liked it.
In passing he mentions
that today's New York Times reveals that Tom McCormack is retiring as
chief of St Martin's Press (SMP)! I say I'll be in New York City in
September, let's do lunch; he's enthusiastic.
Somebody faxes
to me today's Associated Press release about McCormack's retirement;
needless to say, half of it is devoted to smearing me. I wonder if that's
why McC. was forced out?
JOHN SANDERS PHONES. he has
been discussing distributing the GOEBBELS book with his partners. They
have come up with some ideas but are as nervous as kittens, not wanting
to see the same bigots destroying their companies as are trying to destroy
me.
Virgin Atlantic flight home to England. I snooze and read
during the ten hour flight. I arrive at Duke Street at 9:20 a.m., just
as Benté is walking up to the front door from taking Jessica to nursery
school.
Taxi to the High Court with Chitra Nadarajah to oppose
The Observer's plea for more time to work on their libel defence. Their
lawyer Andrew Page is a decent enough chap, of my generation. The judge
reduces their 84 days applied for to 56.
It is clear that they
intend, while conceding defeat on Dr Elke Fröhlich (they falsely accused
me of cheating her out of the credit for finding the Moscow diaries)
and other issues, to fight me on the odious action of manipulating documents
and they intend reviewing all my works to date for this reason. I warn
Page that the action goes back to the late Professor Martin Broszat,
who first voiced it in 1977 in connection with my quotations from Hitler's
Table Talk--and he got it all wrong!
I subsequently write this
letter to Page:
While reviewing my correspondence file with the Institut für
Zeitgeschichte, where Dr Elke Fröhlich works, to find the documents
relating to manipulation, I came across these
two letters which I had long forgotten. In my letter to the late
Dr Hoch I asked him to accord to [Ms Sereny] every courtesy and
assistance in preparing her article for The Sunday Times in 1977,
and to give her complete access to the Irving Coltion housed there,
even the closed files, "in order that she can obtain a proper impression
of the depth and breadth of my research."
In his letter
to me, July 15, 1977 Dr. Hoch reports on Ms Sereny's visit, expressing
astonishment that she seemed interested only in material opposed
to my views, and showing no intention whatever of reviewing the
Irving Collection.
* I HAVE A FRIENDLY CONVERSATION with the non-fiction chief
of [Britain's second largest publisher]. He says they will be very interested
in paperback rights to Focal Point's edition of CHURCHILL'S WAR. Says
he was discussing me and the New York fracas with an American publisher
only yesterday; did Tom McCormack resign, or was he pushed, he asks?
I can only speculate, reply I.
We both have a chuckle when I
tell him that only yesterday I noticed that I signed the CHURCHILL'S
WAR contract with him twenty years ago, in October 1976!
A mad
Turkish female phones from Istanbul. How can they get their book onto
the Internet? I say I don't know.
I AM SENT A CLIPPING
FROM VANITY FAIR. Abraham Foxman of the Anti Defamation League (ADL®)
has written them a swinish letter, mouthing incantations against me
and Christopher Hitchens.
The world-wide mudslide continues,
with a vicious item in today's Svenska Dagbladet, published in Stockholm.
It is faxed to me anonymously. This newspaper already published one
libel about me on Nov. 11, 1993.
I fax this letter to the news
s editor for publication:
Your journalist Lars Jakobson refers to me (July 21) as "nazistiska
historiker". This is an outrageous remark. My thirty books have
been published by the world's leading publishers, including Legenda
in Sweden; they are highly regarded by the world's leading historians;
and they have earned glittering reviews from every major newspaper
(most recently for my biography of the Nazi propaganda minister
Dr Joseph Goebbels, published in Britain this April).
I am getting so tired of this constant smear campaign, organised
by well funded international bodies. And the people writing it always,
but always, appear to be Jewish: Foxman, Jakobson, etc.
At the same time I write to Vanity Fair saying that Abraham H Foxman
is not unknown to me having pursued a career of malicious defamation
against me around the world for several years. "In the United States
there is little action I can take (New York Times v Sullivan, 376 us
254 [1964]); the situation is very different indeed in the U.K., where
your magazine is also published "
I invite Vanity Fair to publish
this letter:
Sir,
Your readers can find most of my thirty works in
every book store and university library around the world and make
up their minds for themselves. But without offering any evidence,
Abraham H Foxman (letters, Aug 1996) accuses your columnist Christopher
Hitchens of "intellectual dishonesty and me of "anti-Semitism";
he calls me "a well-known Holocaust denier and Nazi apologist,"
and he writes of my "pattern of bias and deceit." Then I see that
he directs a league against defamation. How odd.
Vanity Fair reply through their London lawyers Biddle & Co. agreeing
to publish this; theirs is a churlish letter, to which I reply sweetly.

From the Columbian, Clark County, Oregon
I DRIVE A RENTAL TRUCK out to Brentwood, my birthplace, and retrieve
half the palette of books that have arrived from Australia at F J Tytherleigh
& Co. Then on to Ongar, flowers on Mother's grave.
In the evening
I phone my German lawyer in Mainz, who has asked me to return the videotape
of the Günter Deckert function, supplied from police records. I have
had no opportunity to view it, as I have no video machine. The lawyer
says that the German judge felt that the audience laughter during my
speech was proof enough to convict Deckert of Volksverhetzung (racial
incitement)!
I prepare to send out envelopes to benefit Günter
Deckert with my replies to contributors to my fighting fund; let's see
what I can do to help the "jailbird".
A FAX IS WAITING
FOR ME as I rise, from my brave attorney Ed Wall in West Australia:
tomorrow the judges hand down their decision on our appeal to the Federal
Court against the govvernment's refusal to grant me a visa. We discuss
what I should say if as expected the decision is negative.
At
10:44 a.m. Ed himself phones from Perth: the judgement is short, about
thirty pages, and otherwise very positive for us: Judge R D Nicholson
states in her opening remarks:
In a democracy where free speech is cherished (even if not recognised
as a fundamental overriding consideration of law), the application
of a "good character" test to deny a visa to a person who espouses
controversial public views must necessarily raise the question in
the mind of the unsuccessful applicant or others whether the test
has been applied in truth to deny the opportunity for espousal by
that person of his or her views within the country in respect of
which the visa was sought
The question also arises whether
the denial by one country has an unmerited snowballing effect; unmerited
because the denials in other countries are arguably founded on denial
of an opportunity to espouse the view rather than truly on grounds
of character.
Ed thinks there is material for an appeal on constitutional grounds
to the Supreme Court.
Awake next day at 2:35 a.m. and find several
faxes, including an item from today's Sydney Morning Herald, with a
caricature; sleepless for a while. Channel 7 Australian TV phoned, wanting
to make a programme about using visa denials to suppress freedom of
speech.
In the afternoon an uninvited Australian, a Mr H., a
Federal policeman from Queens land, turns up; I talk with him at the
door, but don't invite him in. Enough on my plate as it is.
In
the evening I download the disc that J. T. has sent me, full of stinking
garbage about me that he has shed out of the Internet, including a totally
fictitious account by one David Katz of a speech by me in Johannesburg,
including talk by me of "niggers" etc. That is a word I have never used
in my whole life: but I imagine that the South African Katz's of this
world have more than once.
My barrister in Perth submits an opinion
on what we should now do. I write him:
Please don't feel aggrieved that Professor M. is taking an interest
in the case. If he continues to write favourable articles in the
SLR [Sydney Law Review], etc., it can only do good in the long run.
Right? My own confidence in you is unbounded, particularly having
read your masterly summary of the legal aspects, which make it so
easy for me to take decisions, tho' so far away.
These are--and
I am so instructing Ed Wall--that
(1) we do not appeal to
the High Court.
(2) We now start actions under the Commonwealth
Freedom of Information Act to establish precisely what facts have
been fed to the Minister.
(3) I thereafter lodge a new application
for a visa later this year. Meanwhile I am manuvring to get
from lawyers acting for the Board of Deputies of British Jews a
document admitting that the 40pp report on me which they submitted
secretly to the Canadian government in 1991 and 1992-which triggered
the whole avalanche-is defamatory and untrue, and to withdraw it.
They have incicated to me that they are prepared to (as part of
a secret settlement to avoid libel action). Would not such a document
knock the tent pole out of the whole case?
BUY THE PRESENT WINSTON CHURCHILL'S BOOK on his father Randolph,
and read it outside Garfunkel's for a couple of hours until 7:30 p.m.
Some historical mistakes, but a good attempt at an honest evalution
of his father, who cannot have had an easy life. I write him:
Dear Mr Churchill,
I wanted to tell you privately how
much I am enjoying it. It is not easy to write a book, and even
less so for those who have not made it their life-time profession;
but it looks good, feels good, and--reads good. As an author and,
for my sins, still ploughing ahead on a biography of your grandfather's
war years, I particularly welcome that you have reduced so many
documents in their original texts, rather than pre-chewing them
into unrecognisable, bland lumps.
I confess that I had no
idea your father was involved in operations like the Benghazi raid
you describe. He was obvously a very brave man
I think your
father suffered from much jealousy of his contemporaries, who no
doubt did not like being at the wrong end of his rough tongue. He
used it on me once, in a television studio, in 1967, I recall; but
that was the fault of that oversmart gentleman David Frost.
I have incidentally drafted about four pages on the Harriman­p;Pamela
business, for vol. ii of my biography; I want to hurt no feelings,
and I would be happy to let you see them if you want.
Pamela, currently the United States ambassadress to France, was
Winston's mother; while still the wife of Randolph in 1941 she started
a notorious affair with the billionaire American lend-lease administrator
Averell Harriman, which prime minister Churchill condoned.
M PHONES, SAYS HE HAS sent Action Report to The New York Times's
Doreen Carvajal. She's told him she has learned that my name is now
on a Black List of publishers. I say (a) please don't send AR to third
parties, it is a private publication for contributors, and written as
such; (b) I am not pleased about the "Black List" chatter, and he does
me no service by repeating it.
* THE BOARD OF DEPUTIES
OF BRITISH JEWS has now sent me a lengthy Questionnaire, to establish
just how deeply their forty-page report wrongs me.
[This vicious
and libellous secret report, shorn of its identifying titles and covering
letters, was retrieved by Mr Irving's agents from Canadian government
files under the Access to Information Act].
All day until late
working on the answers. Easier than I thought, and by a fluke I find
all the twenty-, thirty-, and even thirty-five-year old docments the
Board's lawyers have asked to be shown. I adopt a tough line at the
end, since reading the law books shows me that I have at best only twelve
months to serve a writ from the date on which I tentatively identified
the Board as the authors; this may well be why their lawyer, Anthony
Julius of the firm Mishcon de Reya, is playing for time.
I PICK UP A RENTAL PEUGEOT and drive overnight to southern France
to join Benté and Jessica, who have been holed up in a small mountain
inn for the past few weeks. I curse the car's radio most of the way,
as I can not get it to change stations except one half-wavelength at
a time. Not until south of Lyons do I discover that the mysterious and
unmarked stalk-lever on the control column does it all effortlessly!
Weather in northern France misty, damp, and patches of fog and
drizzle; gradually clears and sun breaks through as I drive into Provence.
I plough on all night, with occasional snooze stops; arrive at Le R.
after 850 miles' drive at 3:15 p.m., fresh as a daisy. Jessica looking
in very good colour and fit.
I phone my London answering machine.
It is already as crowded as the beach, about twenty messages, mostly
vacous but they cost as much as our supper to listen to. Among the callers:
a Mrs B. has phoned, wanting to speak to me in a matter of urgency;
I call back the number she leaves, and a man answers and says his wife
has just gone off to Duke Street to see me. "She was Charles Massey's
daughter," he says, "does this ring a bell?" I say, "And how! General
Sikorski's plane crash!" "Precisely," he says.
In 1967 Massey
was identified to me as the only other mystery-survivor of that 1943
crash. But when I went to visit him a few days later, he had just vanished
forever. His family never saw him again.
At five p.m. Mrs B.
phones me at the auberge. Last Wednesday, she says, she discovered that
her father, whom she had grown up believing to have died twenty-seven
years ago, had in fact died just one year ago in south western England.
She wants to get to the bottom of it: she is shocked by the revelation.
I say that at the time we could not decide whether he was living a fantasy
life, or telling the truth, what with the hints he had dropped about
actually having been on the Sikorski plane when it crashed.
* A SECOND CALL FROM MRS B. She says her father's will names
as executor Terence Simms, a man of about fifty, identifying him as
his "next of kin" (to her bafflement).
Simms has remarked to
her ("I don't know if this is important," she says) that at her father's
funeral a very important man, "an air chief-marshall" arrived from London
in a chauffeur-driven car.
I RISE AFTER A FIERCE HEADACHE
ALL NIGHT, like somebodyjabbing their fingers in the back of my eyeballs.
Then another poor night, with three exhausting dreams, including a Technicolor
one in which I blunder onto a British army base wearing my old RAF raincoat,
am arrested and told it will cost $10,000 to set me free. I am put on
trial immediately. I deliver a speech to a room surprisingly like a
German DVU or GfP audience, with many enthusiastic standing people.
Lunch up the road at Pré du Lac. Jessica alas turns into "Dr Jessickel"
(or is it "Mr Hydicca?) and we have to curtail the luncheon be cause
of her tantrums. Dinner there too. Jessica finds the proprietor's little
boy, same age, to play with and they romp round the tables to everybody's
delight. Benté remarks on how idyllic it is to see infants scampering
around. She's right.
Much of today spent (when it is not raining)
in revising 1942 and the day of the Convoy PQ.17 scatter-decision in
CHURCHILL'S WAR. I find myself re-reading my 1967 book THE DESTRUCTION
OF CONVOY PQ.17. Albrecht Knaus, chief of Hoffmann & Campe Verlag, always
said it was the best I wrote and he may have been right.
I BEGIN WORKING ON THE Deborah Lipstadt libel pleadings. Ponder
the tactical issue: whether to include four or five department heads
of the Waterstones bookstore group, who have expressly refused to stock
any books whatever by me while deliberately stocking La Lipstadt. How
can the group afford to let their department heads push business towards
the rivals at Blackwells, Foyle's, Dillons, etc., just because of their
shambolic Marxist­p;Leninist views?
Down to breakfast with
Jessica and a box of Kellogg's, singing
Down we go to the
Breakfast Room Jessica with her Plate and Spoon Daddy's got the
big Corn Flakes This and That is all it Takes.
She's a
little angel as always. When she is upset about something she sobs and
stretches up her arms to Mummy and pleads for "a coddle" (Benté never
can say her U's properly). Then there is her imperious squeal of "Baby
Do It!"-demanding to be handed the shower or car key or whatever so
she can manipulate it her self.
I phone lawyer Anthony Julius
and speak with his secretary, saying I am anxious now to press ahead
to the envisaged amicable settlement with the Board and has he received
my Answers to the Questionnaire?
* I FINISH READING THE
BOOK Codebreakers: The Inside Story of Bletchley Park. Most impressive,
though a little disjointed-I am not sure what "the British Museum method"
of codebreaking was, for instance-but one enters an aura of genius in
read ing the book's pages.
I never realised that the Nazis'
Enigma cipher machine was largely bro ken because of its simple foible
that no one letter could be enciphered to itself-i.e. an "A" could be
any other letter of the alphabet in the coded text but "A" itself.
I AM TO FLY BACK TODAY to the United States for another
arduous tour that will take me to all four corners of the Union. Before
leaving London I work through the night until 4:30 a.m., then sleep
until eight. At 1:10 p.m. a friendly Black-cab driver comes, and takes
me to Heathrow (free!). The British Airways flight leaves for Los
Angeles at three p.m.: an awful middle-aged Danish couple cramp me into
my window seat, and swallow bottle after bottle of free B.A. wine throughout
the flight, one flagon of which the plump woman knocks over onto me
with one flail of her balloon arms. Stinking like a Mexican bodega I
reach my hotel around 10 p.m. A long day.
However I learn that
Professor Gordon Craig of Stanford University, the country's leading
historian, has just published a six-page review of GOEBBELS in The New
York Review of Books.
Silencing Mr Irving [writes Professor Craig] would be
a high price to pay for freedom from the annoyance that he causes
us. The fact is that he knows more about National Socialism than
most professional scholars in his field, and students of the years
1933­p;1945 owe more than they are always willing to admit to
his energy as a researcher and to the scope and vigor of his publications.
He continues: It is always difficult for the non-historian
to remember that there is nothing absolute about historical truth.
What we consider as such is only an estimation, based upon what
the best available evidence tells us. It must constantly be tested
against new information and new interpretations that appear, however
implausible they may be, or it will lose its vitality and degenerate
into dogma or shibboleth. Such people as David Irving, then, have
an indispensable part in the historical enterprise, and we dare
not disregard their views.
PHONE CALLS COME DURING THE NIGHT from the London Evening
Standard about the libel writs I issued yesterday against Penguin Books
and Deborah Lipstadt. Benté says Andrew Page yesterday faxed through
a lengthy de fence on behalf of The Observer; it runs to over forty
pages.
At 5:30 a.m. a stranger, claiming to be a nephew of William
Bullitt, phones for a long discourse about that man. I interrupt him
after ten minutes and tell him the time here in Los Angeles.
I speak to a large audience at Costa Mesa. Next day I set off at
2 p.m., taking the slow coastal Pacic Coast Highway instead of the Interstate.
Spectacular scenery, varying from industrial pipes and grime to forests,
mountains, and wind swept dunes. Stop at Buellton for a quick bite then
on to Stanford. Here I phone Professor Craig and thank him for his review
of GOEBBELS. It is ironic to see such a major review of a book which
it is now impossible to buy in the United States. I arrange for him
to pick up free copies of other books tomorrow for his university library
(APOCALYPSE '45, the Goebbels 1938 diary, etc.)
WE HAVE
A GOOD PUBLIC MEETING at Oakland, California, in a Black-owned hall
guarded by tight-lipped Blacks with bow ties. This time the volent opponents
from Berkeley's Hillel have not ventured down the road to protest, it
seems, though there is still a noisy contingent outside the door with
loud hailers. Journalists from Berkeley are there, and one tall White
journalist who boasts that he sent his man Joe Lehmann down to smuggle
himself into the function at Costa Mesa. So what!
I fly via Denver
to Tulsa, Oklahoma. A small but well or organised meeting there, then
I'm up at 4 a.m. the next day to fly via Denver to Atlanta, Georgia.
I arrive downtown there at 5 p.m. A good meeting at the DeKalb County
public library, around 100 people.
Sam organies a collection
for my Legal Fund and loudly guarantees to match any contribution up
to $500. To general laughter I at once offer to put $500 into the hat.
At Atlanta airport a Black kerb side employee of United Airlines
suggests I give him $50 cash and no questions asked, to get the heavy
boxes of books through onto the plane. I fly to Washington's Dulles
airport where I pick up a gold-lacquered Lincoln Town Car and drive
downtown feeling like an Arab prince. Arrive at the Club where the dinner
is to be held at 6 p.m., shower, change my shirt, and then down stairs
to the exclusive invitation only dinner.
It is attended by sixteen
notables, including this time Gerald Livingston, founder of the American
Institute for Contemporary German Studies, and Christopher Hitchens,
a likeeble, open-minded man whom I do not recognise until the meal is
nearly over. Also Karl Bakke, former chairman of the Federal Maritime
Commission. My left hand neighbour is Professor Detlev Junker, president
of the German Historical Institute, who listens open-mouthed to the
account of what his government is doing to suppress free speech.
Hitchens says afterwards that a mutual friend once asked my old
publisher George Weidenfeld the secret of his renowned success with
young females. "Simple," replied the Austrian Jew, no Adonis he. "I
am the Nijinskii of cunnilingus." . A few weeks later he saw Weidenfeld
referred to in a cap tion in the New Statesman as the Diaghilev of Publishing,
and wrote the appropriate reader's letter, which was not published.
Andrew G., the organiser, does well. This time nobody is obnoxious (unless
I myself).
He also organises a function for a broader public
at mid-day on Sunday. It is 12 mid-day, held at the Polo Indian Club.
I talk informally to about fifteen interested people. Afterwards back
to his apartment for coffee; he is relentless in support of Willis Carto,
and refuses to see any part of his behaviour as criminal. I do not want
to get involved, and say so. Before we part he identifies to me the
street where Brigitte Peck-daughter of the late and unlamented Auschwitz
commandant Rudolf Höss-lives in Alexandria.
Drive down to Richmond
for a television interview at a small public access television station.
I insist that the Confederate flag backdrop be removed. S. needs to
be shot, sucking me into something like that.
Back to DC in
teeming rain-the really frightening kind, where trucks throw buckets
of slime over the windshield making the way ahead totally opaque for
seconds at a time.
I drive up the New Jersey Turnpike the next
day through more teeming rain, arriving at Newark 9 p.m. But the hotels
there are full, so I have to drive around and it is half past eleven
before I finally find one, in the middle of nowhere, at Pompton Plains,
New Jersey. Exhausted. Straight to bed.
The local newspaper The
Record reports under the unappealing headline that the hall has cancelled
the booking for our Friday meeting under pressure from a female the
newspaper identifies as a local Jewess, Andrea Pason of Hackensack ("a
local activist in liberal causes").
There is however a back-up
hall. The organiser says that Ms Pason is a noted drug-abuser and bi-sexual.
How appealing. He mentions that he is getting phone callers trying to
get information on Friday's meeting. Among them one "Albert Rich," whose
number is however listed by Bell Atlantic under his real name, Israel
Richter.
SUDDENLY THE SKIES DARKEN. Benté phones from
London to say that an urgent fax has just come from Lieut-Colonel Tom
Johnson, organiser of the annual MAX military exhibition at Pittsburgh's
ExpoMart, saying they cannot allow my participation in this or future
exhibitions. They have come under the usual pressure from our traditional
friends.
Benté faxes the letter through. Attached to it is one
from ExpoMart general manager Michael J Leone to Johnson, steeped in
libels: "As I am sure you are aware, David Irving, through his many
writings and speeches, is a notorious Adolf Hitler glorifier/apologist
and one of the world's most notorious Holocaust deniers. He is revered
as an icon of the international neo-Nazi movement and his inflammatory
speeches and views have caused him to be barred from numerous countries
around the world including Ger ny, Austria, Italy and Canada"
Under the terms of their Lease on the hall, Leo reminds Johnson,
they claim the right to "eject any objectionable person and to prevent
any "performance or entertainment."
Johnson says the local Holocaust
museum has put pressure on the ExpoMart. I warn that I may have to get
an injunction to enforce my contract with him.
This letter then
goes from me to the ExpoMart:
Dear Mr Leone,
I have seen a copy of a letter written
by your goodself to a third party yesterday, in an attempt to induce
that third party to violate a contract with me []
Last year
in the British High Court I obliged a major Sunday newspaper to
pay damages for precisely the same kind of libels uttered against
me (Queen's Bench 1995 No. I­p;1803). On May 1 this year I served
a Writ under the Defamation Act 1982 against The Observer for very
much the same kind of libels (Queen's Bench 1996 No. I­p;604).
Only last month I settled out of court, again with the payment to
me of damages, an action which I brought against a London West End
hotel (CL.535062) which had been incited by people none too distant
from your own associates to violate a contract between us.
I have also this month issued in the High Court a Writ against
two firms of publishers and the American authoress Deborah Lipstadt,
and I have issued the first warning letter to the British distributors
of the Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet
When Vanity Fair
magazine published a letter containing precisely the same libels
from Abe Foxman, national director of the Anti-Defamation League,
I obliged that magazine under threat of lawsuit to publish a retraction.
* I HAVE NOW READ THE LENGTHY DEFENCE served by Gitta Sereny
and The Observer. Very mushy, and they ignore much of the statement
of claim. I make this reply to Andrew Page:
I confirm receipt today of the Defence which I have read with
engagement, if not conviction. This looks like [it is] turning into
a very protracted, though not uninteresting, action.
TRINITY COLLEGE DUBLIN has invited me to speak to them on freedom
of speech or on feminism. The first time that they invited me in the
1980s, a screeching mob of a thousand leftist protesters stormed the
building, doing considerable damage. The next time, the university ordered
them to retract the invitation. We shall see if this invitation comes
to anything.
I drive over into Manhattan for lunch with Steve
Wasserman, a wiry, intelligent, beardy-weirdy type of Jewish editor;
it was he who phoned me in London a few days after the SMP débâcle in
April and asked if Random House could take up the U.S. rights in the
GOEBBELS biography. Unfortunately, as he now describes to me, although
Jason Epstein and other editors there strongly favoured taking the book
over, it met with another obstacle which he does not identify to me.
He is willing to do what he still can. He asks if he can also see NUREMBERG.
I rubberneck around Manhattan until 5 p.m., then meet Don F.
at The Viking Press-he was the editor who originally commissioned GOEBBELS
while at Athenæum. He is still young, keen, blue-eyed, mild-mannered.
He too wants to see NUREMBERG, and hopes to be able to persuade his
chief, a Mrs Grossmann, to take over GOEBBELS despite all the fuss-"a
slim chance," he admits. The New York Review of Books article has helped
them all.
I leave New York later than planned, around 7 p.m.,
and drive straight back over the Hudson river to the New Jersey meeting,
arriving at 8 p.m. Large audience, about 150, including one Annie Alpert
who identifies herself at the end as a representative of the Nizkor
project, the Holocaust revisionist-monitoring (watch that word, "monitoring"!)
outfit on the Internet. Some body says she was spotted using a midget
tape recorder. They're incorrigible.
* THEN I SET OUT
AROUND 9 A.M. for New Hampshire. A God-given day of beautiful sunshine,
as I cruise across the Bronx and up through Connecticut, Massachusetts,
and Vermont. I reach the meeting house, after a brief detour, at 3:07
p.m.; seven minutes late, not bad after a four hundred mile drive.
At once launch into the talk to a small audience in a garden marquee,
about seventeen people. Three of them are making videotapes, a practice
which I dislike. I hear that various bodies are offering large rewards
on the Net for such a video record of my talks. Unlimiteded funds!
Those there include several names from my Fighting Fund contributors'
list, including one family who have driven down from Canada and another
from nearby Peterborough. My host has a young wife and four beautiful
children aged one to eight. Over coffee afterwards he reveals his master
plan for my survival, which he and his wife have hatched: namely, I
should make common cause with Louis Farrakhan, and found a publishing
empire with the Black Muslims' money. Aaargh! I hope I am not too abrupt
in my response.
There are three large clocks in and around my
guest bedroom which chime loudly on each hour-as I can verify-and each
half-hour. I set out southwards to return to New Jersey through torrential
rain and thunderstorms.
I learn that Ms Alpert posted a triumphalist
item on the Internet about the Jersey meeting, having found out the
secret venue, and invited others to contact her to learn it and attend.
Also that a Mr Rich Grange is claiming on the Net to be a friend of
mine (I don't know him) and to have attended the Costa Mesa function,
of which he has posted a garbled and wrongful account on the Net.
Also that a Bill Rasmussen has contacted organiser Eric G. in
Ohio, claiming to have genuine Hitler paintings etc. which he wants
to give to me. Ho-hum: I know Rasmussen, having met him at Sch.'s house
in Virginia fifteen years or so ago. Not impressed: a key-knob from
the Rhein Hotel Dreesen dangled from his belt-"Hitler's Room," he intoned.
(It was a modern hotel key-knob however).
EXTRAORDINARY
EVENTS NOW BEGIN TO UNFOLD. There is another fax from Benté in London:
my Australian lawyer Ed Wall wants me to call him urgently; he says
the Australian prime minister has made a statement about "freedom of
speech," and reporters are calling to ask if I am therefore going to
make a fresh visa application.
First I phone Coole & Haddock,
lawyers acting for the four young Waterstones booksellers, and state
off the record that I am prepared to withdraw the action against them
(but not against Lipstadt et al) if they apologise and agree to take
her book off their shelves.
I say I bear them no maliice and
do not wish to harm these four individuals, while the action against
Lipstadt herself and Penguin Books will continue. He says that he doubts
whether on principle they will agree to refuse to stock a book. I say
that they flatly refused to stock books by me!
Reporter Jenny
Stein then phones for an interview for the Australian Broadcasting Corporation;
first I slot in a call to Ed Wall for advice. He says that their prime
minister John Howard has announced that a new era of freedom of speech
is dawning in Australia; so naturally all the media have immediately
thought of me.
The Stein interview broadcast nationwide on ABC
Radio puts the fat in the fire. I am wakened by a radio programme from
Sydney wanting a live interview. I repeat that the Howard government
cannot afford to be seen to be preaching freedom of speech, and then
denying me entry.
Then Australian Channel 9's "Today" television
programme phones, wanting me to do a TV show this evening. We arrange
for me to go to their New York City studio at 4 p.m. for a live sattellite
link. What fools our traditional friends are: they try to gag me, and
the net result is that I end up speaking live to millions. The fteen-minute
segment goes out from No. 1955 Broadway via sattellite to Los Angeles
and then on to Sydney for the whole of Australia to see, prime-time.
I drive in rush hour traffic out of New York and down to Washington,
getting thoroughly lost at the end of the Baltimore­p;Washington
Parkway as the signs are down: construction work. Arrive at the private
house where I am staying at 10:30 p.m. to find that a flood of messages
is awaiting me there, as friends in Adelaide have informed the media
of the phone number, having got it from other friends in Cleveland.
The global cyber-village.
I do a radio interview. The interviewer
is friendly, says the story is on the front page of every newspaper
in Australia. Prime Minister Howard has now stated that when Mr Irving
makes a new visa application it will be judged on its merits. I shall
not make it difficult for him.
There develops a hideous night
with endless phone callers from Australia, which is twelve time-zones
distant: at 2 a.m., Radio 3RW from Melbourne, for a fteen-minute Drive
Time radio show, in which the host is really rude to me and I am sorely
tempted just to hang up. At five and six a.m. the phone starts ring
ing again, but I call out to my hosts not to bother with them.
At eight-thirty friends phone me from Sydney; one national newspaper,
The Australian, wrongly calls me Dr Irving. I say that "Sir" or "Your
Excellency" would have been preferable.
I phone Benté in London;
there have been one or two stray calls to Duke Street from Australia.
Family matters are more pressing. She says her sister's husband has
died during the night (a paraplegic after an automobile accident); their
little girl has cried and said, "Now I don't have a Daddy."
During this hectic morning I complete an 850-word article that has been
commissioned by the Melbourne newspaper The Age. Then the Australian
Press Association phones from London, reporting that Prime Minister
Howard has said on television last night that I am "a nutter." One of
my more distant friends, evidently.
Australia's top Channel 7
television programme, the Jana Wendt programme WITNESS, asks me to be
available live on Monday from Washington; they want me to promise them
exclusivity. Mysteriously, they know I shall be "in Cleveland over next
few days."
In the evening the Adelaide Advertiser phones, can
they interview me for a major Saturday newspaper feature? I give an
in-depth portrait of my life, in which their reporter probes every nook
and cranny in what seems to be a most objective way. (She does not disappoint
me, either.)
* AT THE PITSBURGH RADISSON the show's organisers
come hunting for me. I say that since I am banned, friends will be running
the tables I have booked. "Things have changed," they say.
Faxes
come to my hotel room from the Sydney Morning Herald, which is today
running a major story and an editorial demanding I should be allowed
in, although "a crackpot"; clippings from the Australian Jewish community's
newspapers show that they are going ballistic. The game's up! The International
Campaign for Real History is about to invade their paradise.
Next morning I drive straight to downtown Pittsburgh, to the County
Courthouse. I instruct Robert Garber, a bearded, amiable attorney of
around forty who identifies himself to me after five minutes as having
"a problem," namely he is Jew ish.
It is plain from the first
moment that he is a highly capable attorney. He initially dislikes the
task, but warms to it as he realizes that (a) I am being widely defamed
and (b) there is a slim chance of success. Then he sees I have already
drafted the affidavit, and says we can just get in for a mid-afternoon
hearing. He works flat out while I go for lunch, after I write out a
$2,500 initial cheque on the Legal Fighting Fund for an advance on his
fees. Swallow hard as I do so. Money lost? Into court at 3:30 p.m.
Judge Judith L. A. Friedman, a plump, fortyish woman of great serenity
and urbane manner, rapidly makes plain that she views this as a Free
Speech issue. She flattens the ExpoMart's four lawyers with scathing
remarks: "Having and expressing differing opinions is still legal in
the United States, whatever may be the case in other countries, like
Canada," she snaps.
In her closing remarks she deftly turns the
issue into a contract law one, less capable of debate. Sitting outside
the courtroom in the draughty hall, I become alarmed as the clock drags
on toward 7 p.m.-the hour I am supposed to start speaking at Cleveland
in Ohio, 150 miles or more away.
Seven p.m.: victory; she reads
out her findings, dwelling at first on the appeal remedies open to the
losing party-but seeming to look only at the Defendants as she does
so. She finds squarely for me, but says I must post a $10,000 cash bond
tomorrow for her Order to take effect.
I then set out by road
for Cleveland. The audience has waited, thank goodness. I arrive there
at 9:30 p.m. I speak forcefully until 11 p.m., devour an apple pie at
Denny's then drive back to Pennsylnia, arriving back at the hotel after
4 a.m. It is nine a.m. in London. I phone Benté with the result of the
trial. Something of a Pyrrhic victory.
* I DRIVE THE
NEXT MORNING BACK INTO PITTSBURGH and post the $10,000 bond at the Courthouse.
I have had to empty the Legal Fund and scrape the cash together from
every conceivableble source. Bob Garber will be in court again this
afternoon for me, as the ExpoMart lawyers are appealing. At 5:30 p.m.
Garber says the Superior Court has denied appeal. In two or three weeks
I should get the bond back therefore.
[At the time of going
to press, not one cent has been repaid to Mr Irving; the ExpoMart's
lawyers are objecting to the bond's release].
Back to the hotel
and sleep for an hour, whacked. Faxes come in from Australia with more
newspaper articles: the prime minister of Victoria, Mr Kennett, has
now stated that in his view I should be permitted to enter.
Two
days late, we set up our book stand at the Show. The organisers warn
me that ten thugs have been seen invading the show and asking where
my stand is; nobody tells them, however, and it is a big show. Armed
security near my stand is stepped up.
A Rev. Donald W McIlvane
comes to my stand and asks inane questions. His card identifies him
as being from the "Pittsburgh Area Religion & Race Council. Were these
not stated by the media to be the people who protested to ExpoMart?
DINNER WITH BEN S., A FAMOUS DOCUMENT HUNTER. He tells me
that he has been offered a letter which Rudolf Höss, commandant of Auschwitz,
wrote to his wife from prison apologising for "confessing to the atrocities
at the concentration camp, and explaining that he was tortured into
making the confessions. He says that he will not offer for it himself
as it would be dynamite in anybody's hands.
I urge him that
we can put together a consortium which will raise the money to buy it.-Some
discussion about Peter Stahl, about whom he is also contemptuous; he
knows of his "Gregory Douglas" forgeries and his prison record.
* TONIGHT IS THE BIG TELEVISION BROADCAST TO AUSTRALIA.
I phone London, and gossip with little Jessica; she sings Baa-baa Black
Sheep over the phone to me. Goes shopping with Mummy, and always makes
a point of inquiring, "Have you got enough money?" Benté has sometimes
had to tell her that there is "not enough money" to buy something, Jessica
makes a point of asking.
I drive downtown to Washington DC around
5 p.m. A snack at The American Café then over to H Street for the Jana
Wendt broadcast. I buy a five dollar bunch of flowers on the way in.
Lori Butterfield, producer of the Channel 7 programme WITNESS, asks
curiously why I am carrying the flowers--is it for some body after the
show? I explain, "They are a prop- for during the show."
The
video feed from Australia, carried by satellite links around the world
over 200,000 miles of space to Sydney and back, shows my own image after
a time-lapse of around two seconds; a bit unsettling at first.
I see the Czech-born Jana Wendt on the monitor as she comes on.
I was on her show in 1987 when she had just been voted Australia's Most
Desirable Television Presenter, and she was very full of herself then;
no change now.
There are the usual pleasantries (I say "out
of her hearing" that she reminds me of actress Kirstie Alley.) She seems
very fussed over her dark hair, getting it to look beautiful. She wears
a white tunic jacket to show off her figure.
I keep the flowers
out of sight, intending to "present" them to her early on, then to pluck
out one flower at a time for each unpleasantness she utters against
me and toss it onto the studio floor in Washington. Things go differently
however.
The duel begins. Jana shows her nationwide audience
a film montage of my career, beginning with the TV clip of the Canadian
Adjudicator at Niagara Falls on Nov. 13, 1992 telling me to be quiet
or be taken back down to the cells, and my exclaiming to him: "I refuse
to be railroaded like this!"
The screen shows me being bundled
out in manacles, and asking the cameras, "Why the hand cuffs? Is Canada
afraid I may type something? Or use my fountain pen?" Then scenes of
me in a trench coat haranguing a crowd in Halle, Germany, and shots
of (TV-hired) skinheads shouting siegheils; there are references to
my being banned from other countries, and extracts from our Focal Point
video, THE SEARCH FOR TRUTH IN HISTORY, where I am heard talking of
the "traditional enemies."
Journalist Gerald Henderson, director
of some self-important body called The Sydney Institute, is with Jana.
He objects obsessively that "traditional enemies" is an obvious reference
to The Jews and to them alone. Jana points out that I remark in the
video that I am going to be tasteless and say the Jews have "dined out"
on the Holcaust. I say that against the criminal violence of a minority
I have no option but to use such methods of defence.
WHEN SHE ASKS-how hackneyed they all are-whether I am saying there
is an International Jewish Conspiracy, I ignore her question and say
that our researches into the files of the governments which have banned
me reveal that in every case the organisations behind the bans are international
Jewish bodies.
For instance that the Board of Deputies of British
Jews sent a secret forty-page file to Canada, and wrote to the German
ambassador demanding my exclusion; and that the ADL has tried the same
tricks in the USA. I mention my Pittsburgh court victory, saying that
in every case we have had the law on our side. In Germanny it is Herr
Boobies, as I pronounce Bubis' name, who is leading the fight against
free speech.
"In Australia," I add, "it is the organizations
led by either Isi or Mark or Adolph Libeller"-- there is a scream of
rage from Henderson, who accuses me of deliberately mispronouncing the
millionaire Isi Leibler's name, which he tortuously pronounces "Leebler."
I say that any German scholar knows the correct pronunciation of
Leibler. There is another bellow at the smear implicit in the name "Adolph".
"There is no Adolph Leibler," shouts Henderson.
Maybe not, say
I, but there are quite a few Little Hitlers, and the Leibler brothers
are the leaders among them.
When Jana asks me how, then, they
have conspired against me in Australia I say that the New Zealand Herald
investigated this four years ago, and established that the then ruling
Labour Party had accepted handsome donations from the Leibler brothers.
I also mention that I was fined $22,000 by the German government
for saying one sentence in a lecture, a sentence which the Polish government
now admits to be true.
Henderson reverts to the attack, saying
that I am obsessed with The Jews. I point out that until he and Jana
mentioned them, I did not: they are the ones obsessed. I deny anybody
the right to call me an antisemite for defending myself. Previously,
I comment, an antisemite was somebody who hated the Jews; now it is
anybody whom the Jews hate.
They can not stand it that I have
begun to defend myself, using the law. They are trying to destroy me
and to bankrupt me and my family, using Nazi methods like smashing book
store windows, arson, and violence. When I hear the police barricades
going up around my house at 3 a.m., I say, I know that the "traditional
enemies of the truth" are on the rampage again.
Nor am I going
to tolerate my good name being used as a political bludgeon against
Mr John Howard, their prime minister, who obviously has freedom of speech
dear to his heart.
She twice asks: do I really expect now to
visit Australia? I raise the flowers into view and say: "I have this
bouquet for you, Jana, and I ex pect to be able to hand it to you in
a few days' or weeks' time!"
"Always the charmer," she gasps.
BEFORE LEAVING THE WASHINGTON STUDIO I HAND the bouquet
to Producer Lori Butterfield. Always the bridesmaid. "Oh, thank-you,"
she says.
I think that the references to "Adolph Leibler" and
the bribes paid to the Labour Government will be edited out. The rest
was good, though I say so myself.
I now draft a letter to the
Australian Prime Minister. I shall enclose copies of my latest books
on GOEBBELS and THE DESTRUCTION OF DRESDEN, as well as a video of my
interview with the popular British television interviewer Selina Scott
("a slightly less abrasive interviwer than Jana Wendt").
I tell
Howard too of what Professsor Craig wrote in The New York Review of
Books [quoted above], particularly the words: "Silencing Mr Irving would
be a high price to pay for freedom from the annoyance that he causes
us."
It may well be, I write to Mr Howard, that, in line with
your desire to restore complete freedom of speech to your country,
you now reccomend that I be allowed to re-enter Australia. In that
event I would propose that to minimise any difficulties I postpone
the full-length six- to eight-week visit which I was originally
contemplating until next year, and stay only four or five days,
visiting only three or four cities beginning with Perth, delivering
only one private lecture to invitation-only audiences in or near
each. This would defuse the situation; it would "draw the claws"
of my opponents, the traditional enemies of the truth.
Steve O'Reilly of The Sunday Age, Melbourne, phones from their London
office. I tell him as much about the secret Australian government docments
that have been released to us as I feel I legally can; I reveal that
the previous ban came from the office of the then prime minister, Paul
Keating himself.
He phones again, querying whether it really
came from Keating? I emphasise that the ban came from "the Prime Minister's
office." He: Why has this not been pub ished before? I say probably
be cause of the legal constraints we were under. He says, "In effect
the Jewish lobbies were calling in a marker, then?"
I
FLY BACK TO LONDON. The plane lands at 10:25 a.m.; bus back to Duke
Street. Benté looking very beautiful with a new outfit, brown slacks,
hair freshly cut etc. Jessica is at nursery school. I take a taxi at
4 p.m. to Australia House, and deliver the new visa application. Ho-ho.
At five the Australian Broadcasting Company phones for an interview.
I am statesmanlike.
In the evening Mrs B., daughter of the mysterious
Charles Massey, phones. Her late father had five different birthdates
according to the official file released to her by the Air Ministry.
I read a very favourable item in The Toronto Star. The journalist
suggests -- having read in puzzlement Professor Craig's praise for me
and GOEBBELS -- that I should now be allowed to re-enter Cansda. Is
the icepack breaking up?
Ed Wall phones from Australia and says
the Courier-Mail wants to print my letter to the prime minister; I say
that out of courtesy they must wait until Tuesday, to give the prime
minister time to read it.
MRS B. CALLS ROUND BRINGING
A FOLDER of documents on her late father.
She has now spoken
with Air Chief-Marshal Sir William Wratten, who was the mysterious high
officer who attended her father's funeral (it was paid for by the state,
his coffin was draped with the flag). When she said that she was Massey's
daughter, and she wanted to know why he had attended the funeral, there
was an appalling silence. She confirms that the four photos I show her
are of her father.
She recalls that in about 1975 her mother
received a note with letters stuck onto paper like a blackmail note,
reading only: "whatever happened to charles?"
On Dec. 16, 1967
I recorded in my diary,
Letter from Lord Chandos: "Charles Massey" was passenger in [the
Sikorski crash] plane, and survived. He will look for his address.
On Jan. 5, 1968 my diary records that I received a "letter from
Lord Chandos, encl'g letter from Sir A[lan] Lascelles." Lascelles was
private secretary to the king. I gave a copy of my book THE MARE'S NEST
to Lord Chandos. Eventually I find my diary entry for Feb. 20, 1968:
Left at 1:30 p.m. Drove on to Pelham Court SW7, and there learned
from office manager that "Charles Massey" was Rhodesian ex-RAF type,
injured during war, who did a moonlight flit "about September" last
year!
STEPHEN JONES, TIMOTHY MCVEIGH'S LAWYER, who caused me so much grief
by charging on Tulsa television in February this year that I "supplied
the trigger mechanism for the Oklahoma City bomb", now faxes to me a
fawning letter, having just read one of my books, UPRISING, the history
of the 1956 Hungarian Uprising. He invites me to lunch the next time
he's in London (no doubt at U.S. taxpayer expense).
My own legal
actions go on. I send a fax to Barbara Kulaszka asking her for an affidavit.
She does not think I should add the three Canadian bodies (League of
Human Rights of the B'nai Brith Canada, Canadian Jewish Congress and
Simon Wiesenthal Centre Toronto) as Defendants to the writ against the
Board of Deputies of British Jews at this stage.
During the night
an anonymous six-page fax comes with alleged details about the true
back ground of the forger "Peter Stahl." My machine's electronic memory
states that the fax originated from a New Jersey phone number, 201 759
0798 (the 759-ex change covers Belleville, NJ).
I shall ask
my friends there to run a Bell-Atlantic computer search. Meanwhile I
send this response:
Dear Friend,-thanks for the information about "Peter Stahl".
Please provide to me details of your source.
The document has blemishes like saying Stahl was behind the 1983
Hitler Diaries scam; it also interestingly states that Stahl set up
the smear story that I produced the Oklahoma Bomb trigger mechanism.
The computer search fails to identify a subscriber. I suspect
that if genuine the data comes from either ADL or police (FBI) files.
The New Jersey ADL is located in The Oranges, which overlaps the Belleville
area.
In the same post this morning I incidentally receive an
article from Staatsbriefe No. 5­p;6/1996 subjecting the Peter Stahl
/ Gregory Douglas book on Gestapo chief Heinrich Müller to an annihilating
scrutiny.
Late at night our "friends" in New Jersey reply, again
anonymously. Their wish is to help, they say, as they too have been
damaged by Stahl. Methinks it may be Stahl himself.
BEFORE
LUNCH ANTHONY HANCOCK, who sometimes does printing for us, phones. Says
his print works was rebombed on Sept. 6. That would be 6.9.96, and he
asks if there is a cabalistic significance in the numerals 6996. I jokingly
suggest there might equally be a more perverse significance. This time
the gangster Manny Carpel who was imprisoned for executing the last
rebombing of Hancock's works in 1982 (he already had a criminal record
for raiding my home in 1963 disguised as a telephone engineer) has a
watertight alibi: as the police officer investigating the fire himself
pointed out, Carpel is serving time for antiques fraud-in fact this
of oficer was the one who collared him. It's a small, small, small world.
My secretary returns from a reconnaissance and reports that Waterstones
in Charing Cross Road has removed the Deborah Lipstadt book from its
shelves, telling her that it is facing legal proceedings. I tell her
she may well have done them a favour.
I phone lawyer Michael
Randall to say I am prepared to release the book store official concerned
from the libel proceedings.
Spend a while at the High Court discussing
applications I must make to get the writ served on Lipstadt, an American
resident, out of the jurisdiction of our own courts; I also discuss
obtaining leave for action against the Board of Deputies of British
Jews since those proceedings will be out of time. Then to the Reference
Library-first time in ten years!-to read up the Rules of the Supreme
Court.
AWAKE PART OF THE NIGHT; I phone Ed Wall at 2:15
AM, and discuss the latest outrageous libels published by the Australian
Jewish Week. He thinks I should contact the immigration minister. Do
so at 2:47 AM:
I think my rights are best preserved at this
late stage by requesting that, if you are contemplating denying my latest
visa application on the basis of essentially the same information (character
etc) as before, i.e. that previously furnished to you by third parties,
you so inform me in advance as a matter of natural justice and invite
my comments thereon; because there is substantial fresh information
now available to us which is capable of neutralising and rebutting this
information on each count.
THE WASHINGTON MAGAZINE
New Republic carries an amusing story by a Mr Jacob Heilbrunn who infitrated
my Washington meeting, as he thought. In fact the "meeting" Heilbrunn
infiltrated was not the main one; the organiser there filtered out into
this lesser luncheon function a number of people whom he could not fit
into the main club dinner, or who he felt were security risks, and Mr
Heil whatever name he was using at the time-failed to cleart his hurdle.
His report is a pretty objective account, if inevitably judæocentric.
This is a trait shared by many minorities as they view their own world,
they alone are at the centre of it. (I remember my amazement on seeing
a Hungarian news broadcast when researching in communist Budapest, in
which somehow the map of Europe had been morphed until Hungary was at
the centre of the world!).
One would have thought I talked of
nothing but the Jews in the luncheon talk; in fact I mentioned them
only in passing.
THIS LETTER GOES BY REGISTERED MAIL
to the Board of Deputies of British Jews:
Writing to me on Sept. 7 last year you stated that the Board
did not hold any personal data (as defined by the Data Protection
Act) on me
Your Board now accepts that it originated the
two lengthy reports on me circulated to foreign governments in 1991
and 1992.
These quite manifestly originateded on an electronic
database of a nature provided for by your Registration under the
Act, and not covered by any exemption
Do you still maintain
that you do not hold any personal data (as defined by the Act) on
me? I once again put you on notice herewith to provide me with copies
of said data.
I am prepared to accept that your original
denial was the result of a genuine misunderstanding.
I also write to four New York law firms inviting them to "tender"
for the lawsuit against St Martins Press.
I AM SENT A
COPY OF THE TORONTO-BASED Simon Wiesenthal Center's latest fund-raising
mail shot. Mail fraud! I write to Sol Littmann, the Centre's director:
Dear Mr Littman,
In this [mailshot] you write the following
mystifying sentence: "Thanks to the support of our loyal friends
and supporters, David Irving's book denying the Holocaust has yet
to be published."
I am not writing, and have not written,
and have no current plans to write, a book or manuscript denying
the Holocaust.
You will appreciate that I have a legal objective
in writing to ask this question, and that failure on your part to
respond will be taken to imply that you accept that your attempts
to raise funds by mail on the basis of this claim are therefore
fraudulent.
The Centre fails to reply.
The owner of the Gazette Book
shop of Beccles in Suffolk phones me about a book they have ordered
from us; he says he was at Brentwood School forty years ago, two years
behind me. He is very friendly, reminds me that I "saved his life" over
a matches incident in the tuckshop, and has been grateful to me ever
since then.
In the evening, a fax from Don F., which makes it
likely that The Viking Press will not publish NUREMBERG; he does not
even mention GOEBBELS, but blames political correctness among his colleagues.
I keep this to my self.
I FAX THIS READER'S LETTER to
the Adelaide Advertiser, responding to a Doubting Thomas:
Sir,
L C Collins (Oct. 18) disbelieves that our family
was hard up, since my father was a commander in the Royal Navy and
I attended public school. My father was away fighting WW2 until
invalided out in the Arctic convoys; fortunately for my mother,
who struggled heroically to support us, I won a free place at public
school. We were very poor. I did not see my father from the time
I was two or three until I was twenty-six and he was dying; we then
worked together on his history of the 1916 Battle of Jutland, in
which he had served.
ANTHONY JULIUS, THE LAWYER instructed by the Board of Deputies
of British Jews, calls me. I say: "The proper title of the Board turns
out to be rather different from the one it is commonly known by." Julius
says: "Well, you must make your own decision on that."
Down to
the Royal Courts of Justice at 4 p.m.; a judge has granted leave for
La Lipstadt to be served with the British libel writ outside the jurisdiction.
I then issue an originating Writ against the Board of Deputies, whose
statutory name turns out to be the London Committee of the Deputies
of British Jews.
I have R. working on ling and clippings most
of the week, clear ing the decks for ac tion.
JESSICA
IS A DELIGHT all day, though it makes for rather hard work-amusing her
on top of all everything else this week end.
For her Corn Flakes
she has begun to demand the "birdie spoon"-the antique silver one she
found in the kitchen cutlery drawer, the one with the little eagle stamped
on its handle. When older she may ask the signicance of the little letters
AH stamped beneath the birdie.
Baldur von Schirach's wife gave
it to me twenty years ago-in the best guest-tradition she purloined
it from Adolf Hitler's Berghof in the early 1940s; when I only had four
spoons to my name, many a pal found it randomly placed before him when
he came for supper; not all of my Jewish friends enjoyed it.
As David McWhinnie, a television producer friend, says, you never
know where such a relic has been. In and out of my dishwasher a thousand
times, I tell him: no false sentamentalism in our household.
WALTER B. SENDS ME AN ITEM from today's Toronto Globe & Mail-a
reader's letter from the odious Bernie Farber, National Director, Community
Relations, Canadian Jewish Congress. (What other ethnic group needs
a national director of community relations?) Farber is livid, just livid,
that the paper published my long letter last week. I send Walter this
letter:
Thank-you. I think his letter merits no response: the average
reader will recognise it for what it is-Jewish pique.
Perhaps
somebody might write in, commenting that the original article and
the latest Farber letter demonstrate not so much "Irving's hatred
of the Jews" but "the hatred of the Jews"-oftentimes, that's all
that some of them seem capable of doing: hating.
Other writers and newspapers seem to be awakening to what Germany
is doing. From Copenhagen, a press clipping is faxed to me from Information,
Denmark's national newspaper-a blistering whole page critique on the
German government's assault on freedom of speech.
JESSICA
BRINGS IN A SYCAMORE LEAF from Grosvenor-square; I photocopy it for
her, then we enlarge that copy several times until the leaf is overflowing
off an A3 sheet, with all of its veins and pores showing. We then colour
it in.
These are otherwise strange and hate-filled times. I have
just bought Full Disclosure, the biography of former Sunday Times editor
Andrew Neill. In this he writes:
I made the huge mistake of using David Irving, the Nazi apologist
historian, to translate the Goebbels' Diaries. He was the only expert
able to read Goebbels' writing and all the excerpts we published
rather refuted Irving's views on Nazi history. But many were understandably
appalled we were having anything to do with him and did the paper
damage-a good illustration of the maxim that if you lie down with
dogs you get fleas.
Fleas, eh? I did wonder where they had come from.
His memoirs
make no mention of the fact that as editor-in-chief he signed a contract
with me in June 1992 to pay me £85,000 for episodes from the Goebbels
diaries which I exclusively retrieved from Moscow; that he published
those episodes with huge nationwide and global publicity in July 1992,
then came under pressure from British and American Jewish organizations
to violate his contract and not to pay me what I was owed.
Under
which pressure, mangy and flea-ridden dog that he was, Neil instantly
came to heel.
I SEND THIS FAX TO ANTHONY JULIUS, who
is asking for a longer court hearing to stave off the libel writ I wish
to serve on the Board of Deputies:
Your letter of Oct. 31. I fail to see what should occupy the
Court for two hours, unless it be your intention at this late date
to deny that your clients authored and published the statements
complained of or in the alternative to suggest that I was apprised
of the relevant facts before Dec. 22, 1995.
I do not intend
to countenance delays; I have suffered damages from your clients'
actions on a global scale, and these demand early and public redress.
A reply comes from Julius's law firm, Mishcon de Reya, and the mists
clear. They do not deny authorship of the report, but they will argue
against the court giving me discretion to proceed out of time. I.e.,
the time-honoured legal defence known as, "Yah-boo, yer can't touch
us now!"
Miss Dalya Alberge of The Times phones me for an interview,
and mentions that Julius is also instructed by the author Deborah Lipstadt
in my suit against her. He says I'm doing it because I am greedy for
cash.
I accordingly send two more letters to the ubiquitous Julius:
As you may know, on my application on Oct. 22 the court has granted
leave for [Deborah Lipstadt] to be served out of the jurisdiction.
If you are indeed representing the author, have you intentions to
accept service on her behalf?
And:
I have heard today from the media (The Times) that you suggest
that my motive in pursuing a suit for defamation against your clients
is that I am greedy for cash.
Such a statement made after
proceedings have been initiated would in the normal course of things
be further grounds for seeking aggravated damages, going as they
do to the conduct of the defence.
I am prepared to accept
your assurances that you said no such thing, but if you did it would
be a shocking misrepresentation, given that I negotiated in good
faith with you for eleven months in an attempt to find an agreement,
having stated explicitly that I would not seek damages if we could
reach an amicable settlement.
Julius replies: yes he is representing Lipstadt; no, he has no instructions
from her to accept service; he boxes evasive about whether he said I
was doing it for the cash.
I WORK ALL DAY ON MY REPLY
to The Observer's Defence. Easier than I feared. They have made some
very simple errors-e.g. accusing me of manipulating translations from
Hittler's Table Talk, when in fact I merely followed the official version
published by Weidenfeld & Nicolson, etc.
Today's Weekend Australian
reports that their Cabinet is meeting tomorrow and will deny the IRA
terrorist political leader Gerry Adams' application for a visa to promote
his book, and that the "visa application from right-wing British historian
Mr David Irving is also expected to be rejected."
I send
this dispatch when I get up at 4 a.m. It sounds like an authorised leak.
I ponder for some time on a suitable statement to issue if and
when the time comes.
Gerry Adams' application muddies the issue
badly. My views on him are largely unprintable: many a cracked window
pane in this building testifies to the 200-pound car bomb which the
IRA let off on the corner of Duke Street and Oxford Street fifteen years
ago, and we are currently paying an additional £1,000 per annum "IRA
terrorism" insurance premium on this property.
All evening long,
the telephone wires from Australia run hot, then hotter. Radio 2GB Sydney
phones, will do an interview in three hours' time. They have no news,
but the Australian Council of Civil Liberties is loudly saying I should
be allowed in.
Then a Radio 2GB interview with Patrick Hinchy;
he sounds grumpy, especially when I say that I do not think Adams should
get his visa, as he is a real criminal (he served seven years' jail
for terrorist offences, I believe). He makes the point that I was discourteous
to their prime minister in publishing the letter to him-"Hinch" read
it two days before the PM. I remark that this is an unfortunate consequence
of my having to fight this battle at a range of 12,000 miles.
At 7:30 a.m. there is a message from Adelaide, the ABC Radio Keith
Conlon show has just interviewed that young Jewish muck-spreader Michael
Kapel; the transcript reveals more grotesque lies. More faxes confirm
that their Civil Liberties Union is demanding my entry.
This
may get embarrassing. As things stand now, I do not really have the
money to pay the air-fare to Australia...
THE DAILY TELEGRAPH
REPORTS that Berlin police have revealed that former Reichsjugendführer
Artur Axmann died two weeks ago, aged 83, on Oct. 24. The police kept
the burial place of the one-armed war hero a secret to avoid demonstrations
either at the funeral or in the future; citing laws protecting personal
information, they also refused to identify members of his surviving
family to the media. Axmann was the last Hitler Youth leader.
I interviewed him one afternoon eight years ago but I discarded
much of what he told me as his memory had become corrupted by the images
of what he had read and seen since 1945.
Describing the closing
events in the Führer Bunker in Berlin, he vividly described seeing Dr
Goebbels offer his wife Magda his arm as the two went up the spiral
staircase to take their lives in the Chancellery Garden. In fact he
had last seen them two or three hours before, and when he returned to
the Bunker he was told that they had already "gone." "Eye witness evidenc"
dangerous even at the best of times.
RONALD S. RAUCHBERG,
OF THE New York law firm Proskauer Rose, Goetz, and Mendelsohn, writes,
"This firm will not be able to represent you in connection with the
suit you are contemplating against St Martins Press." One down, three
to go.
A long talk in the evening with a London barrister friend:
he says I must use the coming five-minute High Court hearing against
the Board of Deputies to get permission to issue a holding Writ under
the Defamation Act. I cannot do that after the twelve months of the
extended limitation period are up, and this is what Mishcon de Reya
are trying stealthily to do.
AT EIGHT A.M. THE AGE PHONES
from Canberra, then Julie from ABC Canberra too, then Steve somebody,
all to say that the immigration minister Philip Ruddock is to make his
announcement on my application at a specially-called press conference
tomorrow afternoon in Sydney. I phone the minister's office in Canberra
and say that as a matter of courtesy I shall not insist on being informed
first, given the obvious practical problems. I further send him the
following fax:
In answering journalists' questions, you will feel properly constrained
by the confidentiality attached to the dealings between the ministry
and visa applicants. With this letter I am formally waiving all
such confidentiality, in order that you may feel free to discuss
your decision in the fullest detail with out restraint.
I refer however with emphasis to the second paragraph of my letter
dated Oct. 18.
Ed Wall wants a much tougher line, telling the
government they must not act without first giving us the chance to comment
on any fresh hostile material that has been fed to them.
The
phone lines again run hot as night falls here and dawn breaks in Australia.
At eight p.m. I am interviewed by 2GB Radio Sydney again. Two hours
later Channel 7 phones, can I do a four a.m. interview from Sky TV studio?
This is getting tedious. At eleven p.m. Michael Young of the Sydney
Morning Herald phones, can he call me at any time during the night?
I say yes. A few minutes later a Sydney Morning Herald female photographer
(in London) phones, can she come round at one a.m. to take photographs?
Twenty minutes after midnight Radio 6PR Perth phones, it's all over
the broadcast news, can they phone me in ten minutes for a live in view?
At two a.m. a fax from a Sydney station wanting to discuss my
views on Women (the "women" angle has been pounced on by the media).
At two-thirty the Howard Sattler programme phones again from
Perth with the news that the minister has just announced at the press
conference that my application has been denied. Quelle surprise! Six
minutes later my fax machine churns out the corroborating letter from
the minister himself. They must be running scared!
I issue a
press release immediately:
Told of the Australian Governments negative decision by a letter
from Ruddock received by fax at 2:36 a.m.-after the radio station
6PR in Perth had already phoned him with the news-historian David
Irving's response was: "I did half-expect John Howard to go back
on his promise to restore freedom of speech in Australia. A man
is as good as his word. I shall stick my 'Liberal Party' file back
where it was-between 'Libellers' and 'Lick spittles'."
Mr
Irving added that the Labour Party was no different. "The enemies
of Real History have both parties in their pocket. For all of them
it will be back to business as usual."
After that it is chaos for several hours. At 2:48 a.m. Stephanie
of Adelaide phones again to read out what's coming over their telex
machines: women, chewing gum, breeding, etc. Aaargh!
2:50 a.m.
Radio 2GB Sydney phones, can I speak to their Ron Casey in about ten
minutes?
3:13 a.m. phone Michael Young at the Sydney Morning
Herald.
3:19 a.m. Radio 2GB phones from Sydney, live interview
until 3:31 a.m. with Bob Burns (who reminds me that he interviewed me
when I toured Australia in 1987; has a German wife).
Chris Henning,
the London stringer of the Sydney Morning Herald and The Age, phones.
The Age later quotes me as telling him, "I am one of those troublesome
red ants that you can hammer into the ground as often as you like but
it picks itself up and carries on marching."
3:49 a.m. Steve
Price and Craig Wilson 3AW Melbourne phone and record an interview until
3:58 a.m. Prime Minister John Howard is to speak about me in Melbourne
today, they say.
At 4:10 a.m. a taxi takes me to Millbank for
the live Channel 7 television interview. It turns out to be live interviews
with Sydney, Melbourne, Adelaide, Brisbane, and Perth; all women presenters,
some very bitchy.
I get some fun showing Jessica's picture
to millions of Australians. When I remark that unlike men, women have
for instance not done any composing of symphonies over the millenia,
one female (Sydney?) replies, "Yeah, and they haven't done any exterminating
either!"
"Not if you ignore the abortionists," I retort. Yikes!
Sudden end of interview!
On balance, all of today's radio
and television interviews are several shades uglier and less friendly
than of late; as though on autocue...... I remain genial but firm.
Back at Duke Street, whacked, at 6:08 a.m. There the phones are
still ringing. At 6:45 a.m. 5DN radio phones for an interview. At 7
a.m. the Australian Broadcasting Corporation phones. At 7:30 a.m. I
have a long talk with Ed Wall, then retire to snatch two hours' sleep.
THE MORNING MAIL BRINGS A DEMAND from the Legal Aid Board
that I refund to them £26,000 legal costs since my certicate was revoked
in the action against Andrew Neil and The Sunday Times, under pressure
from you know whom. I write ruhig to them:
Thank you for the enclosed letter. Please inform me the date
on which my Appeal against the revocation of the certicate was heard
and disallowed.
Not easy to keep one's nerve at times like these.
Fax from
our friends in Auckland, reporting that the New Zealand Herald carries
the story about the scandal in Australia. It quotes Prime Minister Howard
as say Mr Irving has several convictions" Not true!
The president
of an Australian national civil liberties group, the Free Speech Committee,
Mr Tony Katsigiannis, has joined civil libertarians in attacking the
ban.
The Australian reports the Labour Opposition spokesman
on immigration, Duncan Kerr, as saying that the decision to ban me is
"correct" but not that on Gerry Adams, and the latter should be reviewed
if a cease fire is called in Northern Ireland.
Millionaire Mark
Leibler, spokesman now of some new chameleon-body called the Ethnic
Coalition of Australia, describes the government ban as "principled."
The articles, which I now read as a bunch, show that Howard
seriously libelled me on yesterday's ABC Radio 3LO in Melbourne. He
said there,
I would have thought that that was an open-and-shut case which,
once again, has precious little to do with free speech. The movement
of people in and out of Australia is not so much a question of free
speech but of whether the Government of the country has a right
to decide at all times who can come in here for temporary purposes.
He added that I am a "crackpot historian." The Times further
reports Howard as saying,
It's got to do with the unfitness of both of them [Irving and
Gerry Adams] on character grounds to come here. This idea that it's
got anything to do with free speech is spurious. David Irving's
books are published in Australia... Nothing stops his views coming
out here. But any government has got the right to say to somebody
who's got a record of criminal convictions, 'You can't come here.'
I think he's a crackpot historian, but it doesn't alter the fact
that he was convicted in the United Kingdom, he was convicted in
Germany, he was convicted in Canada, and two of the offences as
I understand it are related to passport, immigration or visa issues.
Late evening a fax from a barrister friend. He mentions
that today's Daily Telegraph publishes an ugly review of NUREMBERG.
Aaargh! ¡Lo que me faltava! All I needed to round off the week, a review
of a book that is still trapped at the printers.
I decide not
to read the review until I am in rather better spirits than now. Benté
reads it for me; she says the reviewer is Ann Tusa (presumably related
to John Tusa, a Jewish-Czech BBC television personality, who is friendly
enough with me-I bumped into him in the Pubic Record Office some years
ago when he was writing his own magnum opus on the Nuremberg trials.
(A-ha!).
Ann Tusa calls my book "sloppy" because I did not use
the 22-volume record of the trial.
In fact I deliberately decided
not to trust that record. Alerted by comments in Field-Marshal Erhard
Milch's private diaries, during my research for the rise and fall of
the Lüftwaffe, I found by combining the printed volumes with the sound
recordings of the trial that there were serious omissions and distortions.
THE HEADACHE RETURNS DURING THE EVENING, so I retire to
bed before 9 p.m.
A sinister voice phones a while later, "I
want to say how very sorry we all are." I ask drowsily, "Who are you?"
The Voice says, "This is The Financial Times." Obviously it is not.
I put the phone down. I try in the morning to get the caller's ID, but
the exchange computer states, "You were called yesterday at 21:16 hours,
the caller withheld their number."
I SPEAK WITH A BARRISTER
IN PERTH, who agrees that if Prime Minister Howard said those things
in Melbourne the Wrongs Act 1958 will apply; but that as prime minister
he may plead qualified privilege. He adds that he heard a Rabbi on Perth
radio yesterday also saying I am a "criminal."
I wonder if Howard
will apply the same criteria if Herr Ignatz Bubis, head of Germany's
Jewish community, asks to visit Australia: "Boobies" has an unserved
twelve-year prison sentence after a conviction for racketeering in East
Germany.
I write to Channel 9 in Australia suggesting they film
my coming U.S. tour instead. Radio 2KY­p;1017 phones from Sydney.
They know that I am planning libel action against their prime minister,
so that must have gone out on the news wires.
MY PAST
CATCHES UP ON ME, SOMETIMES PLEASANTLY. Guido Knopp, one of German television's
top producers, comes at 8 p.m. for dinner with us. It is fifteen years
since we last met: He organised a major speech function at Aschaffenburg,
attended by two thousand middle-class Germans. ("Do you want Total Truth!"
I challenged them.) Now he is one of the biggest names in German television.
Jessica is fascinated by all the big pots: she has never seen
her Mama cooking in big pots.
A splendid evening alone with
Knopp over an extended dinner. He proves ill-informed about his government's
punitive campaign against free thinkers; when I tell him that the world
is in uproar about twenty-nine dissidents held in Chinese's jails, but
there are that many held in each of Germany's big city jails, he expresses
shocked disbelief!
Ticks me off for my behaviour over the last
years, says I could without difficulty restore my old position of prominence
in the German publishing world, etc etc; I reply that I am not interested
in doing so, not at their price. I am hartnäckig, said the judge in
January 1993, as he tripled the fine on me to $22,000. Some body who
is hartnäckig does not abandon his sincerely-held positions as an historian,
unless and until somebody comes along with quality data to prove him
wrong; and so far they have not.
But, I admit, I have been stunned
by the world-wide scale of the campaign that has developed against me.
I did not expect that "they" were as influential as that-or that my
world-wide publishers were as weak kneed.
I tell him of the lawsuit
we shall now bring against Australia's prime minister, and I show him
today's Australian newspaper reports on this. He asks curiously how
my family and I survive. I proudly tell him of the fighting fund-of
the hundreds of close friends around the world who are determined to
hold our cause afloat.
JUST BEFORE 5 P.M. A LONG AFFIDAVIT
by Michael Whine, "defence director" of the Board of Deputies of British
Jews comes through. His name is appropriate; the deposition is one long
whine-for example, that the two-year delay, if the writ is to be allowed,
will put an impossible strain on the Board's witnesses who cannot be
expected to remember the basis of their allegations against me, etc.
(Tell that to Ivan Demjanjuk!)
I go to court at 9:30 a.m., for
the first hearing before Master Tennant; he savages me be cause I can
not recall a particular Order or Rule number. He curtly orders the hearing
adjourned, and the Board of Deputies gains a date for a full-length
hearing tomorrow afternoon.
In court then all afternoon. This
judge in chambers compliments me on my "succinct" presentation; I deal
pre-emptively with some of the points which I apprehended the Defence
will make about Knowledge and the Judge's Discretion to grant leave
to issue a writ out of time.
Defence counsel for the Board, whose
name appears to be Mr Smoothheart, stresses my enormous intelligence,
but only when arguing that therefore I "must have" known months earlier
than the date I submit, that the Board, his clients, authored the libellous
report found in the Canadian government files. Late in the afternoon,
as the Defence deals with the delays which occurred at, they say, my
instance, they ask if they may put in, not the reams of Without-Prejudice
letters that passed between us, as they are privileged, but just the
dates of those letters.
I object that either they must introduce
the whole correspondence or no part of it: "I am prepared to waive privilege
on the entire correspondence I say. The judge reads the letters alone
for fteen minutes.
While he is impressed by my good-faith attempts
to reach a settlement, he finds himself unable to grant leave to issue
the writ out of time, since he determines that more than a year has
passed since I acquired knowledge of "the relevant facts."
He expressly states that he is not impressed by the Defence argument
that this is a "trivial matter." . The Board had published the (libellous)
report, so they argued during their earlier submissions, to only one
party. "Yes, to the Canadian Government," replied the judge, "and with
catastrophic consequences for Mr Irving!"
I now prepare to
adopt "Plans B and C" against the Board.
THE JEWISH CHRONICLE
PUBLISHES A VERY FAIR REPORT by their Sydney Correspondent on the renewed
Australian ban. The phrase "holocaust denier" is missing; the report
remarks merely that I have "suggested that accounts of the Holocaust
have been exaggerated." It adds:
The Australian Jewish community strongly welcomed Mr Ruddock's
decision. Diane Shteinman, the president of the Executive Council
of Australian Jewry, expressed relief that the "elderly Holocaust
survivors of our community will not be subject to further trauma
and aggravation," which she said could be caused by Mr Irving's
presence here.
At five a.m. the fax machine spits out rude letters about me that
have been published in today's New Zealand Herald and Sydney Morning
Herald, both alas from Jews. I reply to the latter:
Oh my, I seem to have got under Michel Kapel's skin (Nov. 20).
Not at all a nice place to be. He accuses me of having no academic
qualifications. Yes, it is true, I admit: exactly forty years (and
thirty works of modern history) ago I was too poor to complete my
university course.
So no qualifications.
So what:
Pliny hadn't any qualifications either; Winston Churchill wrote
(and made) history without 'em; Gibbon wrote his Decline and Fall
without 'em; and Macaulay wrote his History of England without 'em.
So I seem to be in good company.
TIME TO RETURN TO THE UNITED STATES and speak to my many
friends there: a ten-thousand mile drive from north to south and back
again.
I finish all the outstanding work in London and complete
the back log of correspondence. It is 4:38 a.m. when I finish my fifty-page
Reply to The Observer's defence and mail it from the pillar-box on the
corner of the square.
After that I potter around until seven
a.m., frightened that if I go to bed I will sleep until afternoon; I
snatch an hour on a sofa. Taxi comes 8:20 a.m.-my friendly Black-cab
driver has offered me another free lift to Heathrow in exchange for
a signed copy of my Hermann Göring biography.
At ten-thirty
I am airborne and falling fast asleep, heading back to Washington DC.
Günter Deckert
Readers who wish to help Günter Deckert and his family
while he is jailed by the German government can write and send cash
and cheques to him while he is in prison.
Herrn Günter Deckert,
Plitischer Häftling, Schöbornstrasse 32 (JVA), Landesgefängnis, 76646
Bruchsal, Germany.
Mark the envelope as follows: "Aid for
Günter Deckert--Just one of Germany's political prisoners."
One
of our number in New York State has written to Senator Daniel Patrick
Moynihan, whose inervention is credited with having forced the German
government to release American citizen Hans Schmidt from "investigative
custody."
I
write now on behalf of Günter Deckert," writes our friend, "whose impisonment
in Germany merely for inviting David Irving to an audience of his Ger
man readers [in 1991] is a gross injustice in what is considered a democratic
country."
"We
are privileged to have here the inviolable First Amendment of the Bill
of Rights. As a country greatly influenced since May 8, 1945 by the
USA, Germany should now through osmosis have shown signs of emulation
of our Constitution. May I persuade you to do as much for a law-abiding
schoolteacher in Germany in your gentle inimitable fashion as you did
for the naturalised German Hans Schmidt?"
[
Top | Pittsburgh
| Australia |
Radical's Diary |
Book Reviews |
Letters | Law Report |
Board of Deputies |
Opinion ]
Book Reviews
They're All Still Here
H R Haldeman, The Haldeman Diaries (New York, 1994).
Red faces in Washington. It seems that behind closed doors in Pennsylvania
Avenue people do speak their minds, especially at the highest levels.
There is a new book now which deals with much of what Richard Nixon
believed in private, while retaining his own mask like countenance for
the benefit of the media.
What those who visited the late President
Richard M Nixon did not realise was that his chief of staff H R Haldeman
was keeping a genuine diary-writing it up each night or dictating it
onto a pocket tape recorder. Now Haldeman is dead, beyond retribution.
And the diaries are out.
How appalling! The evangelist the Rev
Billy Graham has had to deny ever having said during a conversation
with Nixon on Feb. 1, 1972 that he had "the strong feeling that the
Bible says there are Satanic Jews." The remark was allegedly uttered
during a discussion with Nixon at which the unspeakable allegation was
raised (the London Jewish Chronicle called it "paranoid") that "the
total Jewish domination of the [American] media" posed a terrible problem.
Nixon was certainly no saint when it came to his feelings about the
Jews. Recently released tape recordings have revealed his paranoia about
them.
When he paid a visit to China, reports Haldeman, he was
shown a list of the reporters who were to accompany him and asked pointedly
if there were not going to be any non-Jewish reporters on the trip.
After American Jewish leaders boycotted a visit by the French
president Georges Pompidou in 1970, to protest against the French sale
of jets to Libya, Haldeman recorded that the U.S. president "really
raged again today against United States Jews because of their behaviour."
After the Jews of New York staged a demonstration on the same occasion,
Nixon "got going again against [the] Jews' attitude," and on account
of their "unconscionable attitude" the president decided to postpone
the delivery of American jets to Israel. Worse, in front of his secretary
of state Henry Kissinger-who was like Pompidou a Jew-Nixon rasped that
he would not talk to any Jews about the Middle East.
That being
so, Nixon can hardly have wondered when the media and Jewish legal inquisitors
later used the trivial Watergate affair-whose piffiing importance had
the rest of the world's journalists baffied and perplexed-to bring the
house down on him; Judge Breyer, President Clinton's latest appointment
to the Supreme Court, was one of the inquisitors in the Watergate inquiry.
George Bush too learned the hard way that you can't hold back
on a multi-billion dollar loan guarantee to Israel and expect an even-handed
media when it comes to election time.
Of course as any historian
who has worked in the U.S. presidential libraries knows, Nixon was not
alone in his anti-semitism, trifiing though Haldeman makes it seem.
After one trying train ride with Felix Frankfurter, Herbert Lehman,
and Bernard Baruch from Washington, DC, to Hyde Park, NY, a vexed Franklin
D Roosevelt told a staff member, who also kept a diary, that he now
understood why in some Middle Eastern countries the practice after circumcisions
was to keep the foreskin and throw the rest away. In only marginally
less questionable taste Harry S Truman expressed private dismay that
even though he had created the state of Israel "they're all still here."
False Witnesses
Elizabeth Loftus, The Myth of Repressed Memory (New York, 1994).
The world of medical science has produced another stunning
book about the phenomenon first identified as Holocaust Survivor Syndrome
- the manner in which groups of people genuinely and honestly come to
believe over the years that they have witnessed episodes which are,
in fact, largely products of trauma and fantasy.
"It is possible,"
writes Elizabeth Loftus, a psychologist at the University of Washington,
in what Newsweek magazine calls a disturbing new book, "to create an
entire memory for a traumatic event that never happened."
According
to her some of the best neuro-scientific brains are trying to find out
how this can happen: this may throw light on the current bitter debate
about "recovered memory," which ranges across cases of Satanism, childhood
sexual abuse, and UFO abductions; and, as may fairly be pointed out,
otherwise inexplicable and unsubstantiated Holocaust eye-witness survivor
stories-the kind that were nearly the nemesis of Cleveland auto worker
John Demjanjuk.
Summary: hundreds of experiments have shown that
people easily slip false details (from a TV report for example) into
their recollection of an event they witnessed. "They even 'remember'
events they have only heard about," wrote Newsweek, reviewing the 290-page
Loftus book.
In May 1994 Harvard Medical School hosted a conference
on the neurological bases of false memories. James McClelland, of the
Center for the Neural Basis of Cognition at Pittsburgh, provided one
explanation; Michael Nash, of the University of Tennessee, another.
Nash calls it chilling that "there may be no structural difference"
between a true memory of an event and a false one. The problem is similar
to distinguishing a remembered dream from a recollected factual event:
some people, says Daniel Schacter of Harvard, cannot distinguish. "You
could be remembering a dream, a fear, or something someone talked about,"
he said. "What gives the memory a feeling of authenticity is that authentic
parts are included."
Only one person in four appears, from Loftus'
studies, prone to this disorder. But others can be conditioned by events.
"Severe emotional stress overcomes internal checks on plausibility,"
states neuro-scientist Marsel Mesulam of Northwestern University, "and
you are left with a false 'memory.'"
In the United States a False
Memory Syndrome Foundation has been set up to represent the interests
of the victims of such retrieved "memories"; some people have been sentenced
to forty years in jail on this evidential basis alone.
Harvard
psychiatrist Judith Herman is however angry: "Scientists have no business
using the term false memory," she says.
Final Solution
Dimitri Volkogonov, Lenin: Life and Legacy: A New Biography (London
& New York, 1994)
The late general Dimitri Volkogogonov,
the Russian biographer, already set the cat among the pigeons once with
a Stalin biography for which he had exclusive access to Stalin's secret
safe file. Volkogonov is special assistant to Russian president Boris
Yeltsin, and was chairman of the presidential commission examining the
Soviet archives. He found that Stalin's file contained among items Stalin's
panicky instructions on June 26, 1941, to establish immediate contact
with the German ambassador, if still on Soviet soil, to negotiate a
Soviet surrender).
He now prints a work on Lenin which quotes
from the minutes of the Soviet Politburo meeting of March 5, 1940, for
which he gives an archival reference, at which the communist leadership
approved the order to exterminate the Polish officers who had been in
Soviet custody since Stalin invaded Poland in mid-Sept. 1939. Under
the orders of former NKVD officer Petr Soprunenko, still living as a
Jewish pensioner in Moscow, the NKVD murdered the fifteen thousand captured
Polish officers at Katyn and two other sites near Smolensk over the
following weeks.
After the war the Russians put several German
officers on trial for the 'Katyn massacre' and publicly hanged them
in Leningrad. The Katyn massacre was chalked up against the Germans
at Nuremberg.
It is accordingly today a criminal offence under
the 1990 Gayssot Law in France to suggest that the Russians were the
true murderers.
Ich bin ein Berchtesgadener
Hugh Sidley (ed.), Prelude to Leadership. The European Diary
of John F Kennedy. Summer 1945 (Washington, 1995).
After
making a 1945 pilgrimage, like millions of tourists every year, to Adolf
Hitler's famous mountain retreats at Berchtesgaden, with the Eagle's
Lair built on the Kehlstein high above it, the young naval officer who
would later become President of the United States wrote these words
in his diary (page 74):
"The lair itself had been stripped of its rugs, pictures, and tapestries,
but the view was beautiful-the living room being round and facing
out on every side on the valley below.
"After visiting these
two places, you can easily understand how that within a few years
Hitler will emerge from the hatred that surrounds him now as one
of the most significant figures who ever lived.
"He had
a boundless ambition for his country which rendered him a menace
to the peace of the world, but he had a mystery about him in the
way that he lived and in the manner of his death will live and grow
after him.
"He had in him the stuff of which legends are
made."
A True Pirate Tale
Edward Jay Epstein, Dossier: The Secret History of Armand Hammer
(New York, 1996)
At last the truth about oil tycoon Armand
Hammer seems to be coming out.
From time to time over the past
fifteen years we have highlighted the extraordinary materials that we
have found about this noted philanthropist in the various archives,
which revealed the man as an unreconstructed Soviet agent until the
very end of his life.
Now Edward Jay Epstein, one of the United
States' foremost biographers and historians, has unmasked him as just
that, relying on newly released FBI files and on secret papers disgorged
by the new masters of the Kremlin.
FBI director J Edgar Hoover
had known this since 1952 at least; the mystery remains, how a Hammer
could escape the fate that befell two other leading Jews, Julius and
Ethel Rosenberg (or at very least the life sentence earned by another
trusted Jewish official who spied on his host country, Jonathan Pollard).
Hammer's father Julius Hammer was already known to be a leading
communist agent.
Armand Hammer was a born survivor. Writes Epstein:
"Pleading guilty to illegal Nixon campaign contributions in 1976, Hammer
"arrived in Federal court in a wheelchair Two doctors attached dozens
of wires to him so they could monitor his heart in an adjoining room.
Attendants stood by with an oxygen tent and other emergency paraphernalia.
On leaving the courtroom, Hammer, as his lawyer put it, underwent
'a miraculous recovery.'
"He checked out of the hospital, discarding like the props they
were his wheelchair, electrocardiogram, and oxygen tent. The next
day, he was back in his office."
Armand Hammer and Robert Maxwell: two of the biggest gangsters to
grace, or disgrace, God's earth.
[ Top
| Pittsburgh |
Australia |
Radical's Diary |
Book Reviews |
Letters | Law Report |
Board of Deputies |
Opinion ]
Write to Action Report or to David Irving and his Fighting
Fund (DIFF) at: P O Box 1707 Key West, FL 33041, USA
Or
to: 81 Duke Steet, London W1M 5DJ, England
- Had a conversation with the editor's assistant (the man who
was in charge of your book before decision to cancel), in which
he informed me that you were the sole possessor of the entire Goebbels
Diaries and that therefore the validity of much of your book could
not be checked. I remember you informing me that you had travelled
to Moscow to examine much of what had been presumed "lost".
F J, Singapore
- David Irving replies: That editor's assistant was
Neal Bascomb. He should have asked me. I would have pointed
out that had I chosen to manipulate or distort what I found,
I would surely have been exposed eventually when the German
government took possession of those diaries from Moscow. What
the traditional enemy objects to is not that I distorted what
I found--but that I did not: I quoted it just as Goebbels wrote
it, without distortion.
- We are shocked to hear in the radio news that they are still
refusing you entry into Australia. What on earth is wrong with our
country? I thought in a democracy everybody is entitled to their
own opinion. My husband and I were outraged about the outcome of
this court battle. Are you going to battle on? I hope so, although
it must be very nervewracking.
Mrs I Y, Clarinda, Australia
- REQUEST
I have two sets of very interesting letters
from two German soldiers. One soldier fought and died at Stalingrad,
and I have twenty-seven of his letters Apr­p;Dec. 1942. The other
is from a German soldier who wrote to his sweetheart who later became
his wife; he continues to write to her from prison camp. I would
pay a German language student a modest fee to translate these letters
for me.
Larry J Menestrina, 3934 Somerset St., Wichita,
KS 67204 - 3527
- [Mr Menestrina is a well known US collector of militaria.]
- The GOEBBELS book arrived just in time to take with me on holiday.
A credit to your Customer Services.
D W, Merseyside
- Your beautiful book GOEBBELS: MASTERMIND OF THE THIRD REICH
is a landmark indeed. Unbeknownst to you, I was fired from the chairmanship
of my Dept at Georgia State University for attending your Nov. 1992
lecture at the Smyrna (Georgia) civic center. The chair of History,
"monitoring" the event for you know whom, saw me there and denounced
me. I'm still on the Faculty, but not allowed to teach a course
in Twentieth Century Literature because in 1993 I told a class that
the four million figure at Auschwitz was untrue and that all the
deportations should be looked at as security measures, whether from
France, or the California Japanese, or of the Volga Germans to Silesia.
Outrage!
Once again, "keep punching" as my father used to
say. When Western Civilization eventually triumphs over the enemies
of truth, your name will be like that of George Washington today!
Prof D O, Atlanta, Georgia
- God Bless you for fighting for truth and justice!
R D, Cconomowoc, Wisconsin
- Dark Forces
I want you to know that I always read
every single word of action report, and think the format, diary,
mixture of personal and public, is fascinating. Your skilful pen
makes one feel one is right there with you-and yet, truth is, there
you are, alone, fighting this terrible battle against such dark
forces. And yet, thankfully, not really alone, with your beautiful
family beside you.
Mrs M F, New Rochelle, NY
- Keep up the fight for truth and free speech!
B K,
Ridgefield, Connecticut
- I am not indulging in flattery when I state that you are a remarkable
person. Even your enemies admit that you are an extraordinary researcher,
you are a riveting writer (I could not put down the latest action
report without completing it) and you have what is best described
as intestinal fortitude far beyond the norm. I do not know how you
endured the financial and physical attacks, the illness, and your
daughter's horrible accident while still pressing forward. You have
my deepest respect, for I know that I would have buckled under such
pressure.
H F, New Jersey
- They'll have to be mad, these people, to hassle or pretend to
jail someone like you. I just finished your book on Mr Churchill:
man, what a masterpiece that is. "They" were all whinging and bitching
on ABC Radio, before a thoroughbred female announcer, about why
David Irving should be kept out of Australia, and why "Irving" should
be ignored. This was a couple of years ago, and you were in the
news because the Australian Government had just refused you entry
to my country. I'd never even heard of you then, but for the sake
of Cosmic Justice I am pleased to report that their little radio
programme prejudiced me in your favour even before I had read your
book, Sir. Man, they were so rude and self-righteous. I pricked
up my ears also because I realised that you must be the same "Mr
Irving" who stars in Kurt Vonnegut's Slaughterhouse Five.
J S, Maleny, Queensland
- It is interesting that lord Merlyn-Rees [a former British Home
Secretary] trots out the old rubbish of equating open, honest questioning
with antisemitism. There may be some people who try to exploit the
anti-Holocaust argument simply because they dislike Jews, but they
are a small minority. It seems to me that certain vociferous Jews
are fomenting antisemitism by their intolerant attitude. Their malicious
campaign suppressing civil liberties is an incitement to hatred
of the most hypocritical kind. I suspect that the truth of your
world-wide campaign leaks out, for as "silent" the great majority
may appear they are not all brainwashed idiots.
R E, Ramsgate,
Kent
- Crematorium Builder
A recent time magazine article
features a photograph taken inside a temple: the cremated remains
of aids sufferers are stacked against a Buddha. If millions were
cremated at Auschwitz, a mountain of remains would have accumulated.
Yet to date no mountain of burned bones has been found.
As
a local contractor engaged in the extension of the Bristol Crematorium
in the 1950s I saw the remains of cremated bodies. Large bones remain
burned but intact, and have to be pulverised mechanically or with
hand tools to reduce them to powder or dust. The ordinary person
assumes that only dust-like ashes remain.
It is because
of this lack of information-or lack of interest-by the public that
no one has ever questioned the "Holocaust." People believe that
the victims just disappeared in dust.
Gone with the wind!
F T, bristol
[
Top | Pittsburgh
| Australia |
Radical's Diary |
Book Reviews |
Letters | Law Report |
Board of Deputies |
Opinion ]
Law Report
Suppression of Free Speech in Germany Continues Further Rare
Cases in USA
A NASTY EPISODE In a case brought by the Anti-Defamation
League (ADL®) in the U.S. federal court three former employees of the
state of Florida, identified by The Miami Herald as Jewish, sued for
$1 million dollars each in damages for insults they alleged they had
suffered in the Miami office of the auditor general. Supervisor Abraham
Azzam was found by an internal investigation to have used offensive
expressions about Jews three times; since he was not formally disciplined,
the ADL targeted the office on behalf of the three employees. In a million-dollar
out of court settlement funded by Florida taxpayers, each of the three
men and a Hispanic woman who defended them was paid $90,000; their lawyers
received $280,000, while lawyers defending the auditor-general's office
received $340,000. Arthur Teitelbaum, southern area director of the
ADL, called it "a nasty episode."
WATCH LIST The U.S.
Justice Department (heroes of the litigation known as Israel v John
Demjanjuk) announced on Dec. 1 that it has placed the names of sixteen
Japanese veterans of the country's infamous Unit 731 on the "watch list"
of people barred from entering the United States; these Japanese have
been accused of conducting medical experiments on prisoners or of forcing
foreign women into sexual slavery during WW2. The list, established
in 1979, consists of thousands of Nazis banned as suspected war criminals.
Unit 731 operated in Manchuria; its work remained secret for years as
Washington had granted the doctors immunity from prosecution in exchange
for the data they had collected.
NOTORIOUS RESOLUTION
Kurt Waldheim, Austrian Chancellor 1986­p;92, has blamed in his memoirs
(The Answer, Amalthea Verlag, Vienna) the New-York-based World Jewish
Congress for having pressured the U.S. Justice Department into issuing
a ban on his entry to the United States. WJC chief Edgar Bronfman had
vowed revenge against Waldheim, secretary general of the United Nations
1972­p;82, for having allowed it to pass its notorious resolution
equating Zionism with racism.
Speaking with Alan Cowell of The
New York Times, Waldheim accused Mr Bronfman of having told Edwin Meese,
U.S. attorney-general at that time, that barring Waldheim would be a
"useful signal" to Jewish voters in the upcoming 1988 presidential campaign.
Elan Steinberg of the World Jewish Congress has formally denied the
monstrous allegation.
SACRIFICED, SUPPRESSED action report
#10 published the last letter left by Reinhold Elstner, one of the supporters
of the Fighting Fund, a veteran who decided to set an example for Germany's
youth and immolated himself in the centre of downtown Munich on Apr.
25, 1995.
Not only was his self-sacrifice hushed up by the horrified
German government and media. Now the contents of his last letter are
being suppressed too: the German publisher of Zirkelbrief, the newsletter
of the Notverwaltung des Deutschen Ostens, has been fined 9,600 DM (around
$6,500) for publishing the letter. The German courts have defined Elstner's
farewell epistle as posthumous "incitement".
ENDANGERED YOUTH
The Federal German Bundesprüfstelle für jugendgefährdende Schriften
(Control Agency for Youth-Endangering Literature), has placed a British
computer game on its index of banned products, citing "moral dangers"
to German children and adults if they played it. The computer game "Panzer
General" enabled players to refight some of the major battles of World
War II.
What troubled the agency (popularly known as the Youth-Endangering
Control Agency)? The fact that by making the appropriate adjustments
in mid-battle the players had the opportunity of "enabling Germany to
win the Second World War." In the broadest sense, fretted the agency,
this fulfilled the criteria for "NS-Verherrlichung und -verharmlosung"
(exalting and minimalising the Nazis) a crime under Federal German law.
The computer game is still on sale worldwide except for Germany:
with the right mouse-clicks children and adults world-wide can still
enable a German victory, if they choose.
NO EXCUSE The
Arkansas Democrat­p;Gazette reports that a Ms. Debra Coleman Warner
has sued the Chalmette Middle School in Chalmette, Louisiana, because
a letter which she wrote in 1992 asking that her son be excused from
a field trip to the Holocaust Museum was leaked to the Times­p;Picayune,
the New Orleans regional newspaper.
The newspaper published the
letter two days before a November runoff for parish council which Ms
Warner lost. In the leaked letter, she stated "allegations regarding
treatment of Jews during war years have been grossly exaggerated."
PIRATE NEWS Oxford University Press have agreed to make a
payment to historian David Irving, copyright in whose standard work
Hitler's War was infringed in their university textbook Fascism; editor
Richard Griffin had reproduced several pages of the biography without
permission.
He also reproduced this passage from a conversation
between Hitler and a Bavarian financier in 1922
'I combat Jewry not as a religion, but as a race...a solution
to the Jewish problem must come'
The full text of the conversation between Hitler and the financier was
recorded in shorthand by the latter's secretary. David Irving printed
this exclusive document in his news sheet Focal Point in 1982.
In a rare blunder, The Sunday Times in London reprinted the infiammatory
passage as having been written by Mr Irving himself, and not by Hitler.
Oops!
Red faces and apologies all round.
MORE BOOK-BANNING IN GERMANY
The book Feuerzeichen, Ingrid Weckert's detailed study of the
1938 Reichskristallnacht is now officially banned in Germany.
First published there in 1980, it was freely sold in bookstores
up and down the country for fourteen years.
In 1994 however the
third edition was put on the Index of Youth-Endangering Literature,
and in 1995 the book was formally banned. It is now a criminal offence
to posssess more than one copy for personal consumption. The book has
been the subject of police raids up and down the country during the
last months.
A COURT IN TÜBINGEN HAS FINED DR. WIGBERT BRABERT,
proprietor of Grabert Verlag publishing house, DM.30,000 ($20,000) for
publishing Ernst Gauss's book Grundlagen zur Zeitgeschichte.
IN FEB. 1996 A STARNBERG COURT ORDERED A POLICE RAID on the
home of publisher Dr Gerd Sudholt to search for any surviving copies
of 1960s books published in Austria by Dr Franz Scheidl. Sudholt - who
had only just emerged from a prison sentence imposed on him as a publisher
- had however hastily destroyed his remaining stock several months earlier,
so the police, after searching his private dwelling, bedroom, linen
cupboards, toilets and bathrooms left empty handed, apart from a documentary
video which a well known wholesaler had sent him as a sample in 1992;
they took that instead.
ON JUNE 20 POLICE AND DETECTIVES OF
THE BAVARIAN CRIMINAL POLICE searched the Nuremberg offices of the South
Tyrol Book Service looking among other things for the book by Serge
Thion, Historical or political Truth? The Power of the Media: the
Faurisson Case (a recent publication by a dissident Berlin publishing
house).
[ Top
| Pittsburgh |
Australia |
Radical's Diary |
Book Reviews |
Letters | Law Report |
Board of Deputies |
Opinion ]
Legal action against the Board of Deputies of British Jews
Why I Decided to Take Britain's Oldest, Richest, and Most
Respected Jewish Headquarters to Court
By David Irving, Special to Action Report
As my many Canadian friends know, on Oct. 28, 1992 I legally
entered Canada to lecture in British Columbia on free speech; on Oct.
30 I was arrested just after delivering the first speech by six Royal
Canadian Mounted Police Officers, under an immigration warrant.
After fighting the Canadian immigration ministry's wrongful decision
through the courts in Vancouver and Niagara Falls, I was deported in
handcuffs aboard an Air Canada plane from Toronto airport to London
late on Nov. 13, 1992.
Having been deported from a Commonwealth
country, it was possible for opposition groups in every other country
to demand that their governments refuse me entry; the governments of
Australia, New Zealand, South Africa at once complied.
Even
the United States, where free speech is constitutionally protected,
came under the same insidious attack. On the night of Nov. 1, 1992 U.S.
border officials had already refused me entry at the Niagara Falls crossing-for
the first time in my life, although I hold a permanent entry visa. After
a subsequent uncomplicated three-month winter visit to the U.S.A., on
Apr. 19, 1993 I was again nearly denied entry, this time permanently,
at Washington DC.
However, after two hours' work the commendably
conscientious duty officer found, as he immediately told me, that "somebody"
had hacked into the Immigration Service's mainframe computer and planted
a phoney file of dirt on me. The U.S. authorities were good enough to
apologise to me for the inconvenience; despite my Freedom of Information
Act suit for access to the file, to try to identify who that Somebody
was, it has not been released to me yet.
With one foul blow
in Canada, I had thus effectively been silenced around the world. My
professional career was in jeopardy, if not over. I was unable to research
in the archives of the world, prevented from appearing in lecture halls
and universities, forbidden to promote my books in person and on the
television. It was an ugly blow to free debate on matters of historical
importance.
My colleagues--who must remain nameless for their
own safety--and I began the long process of investigating what happened
in British Columbia and Ontario.
I instructed them to procure
all relevant files from their government authorities under their Access
to Information Acts 1980­p;83.
Only in Dec. 1994 did the truth
begin to emerge. While writing in the U.S.A. I received from my Canadian
colleague, a former attorney, a spiral-bound file of documents on my
case, many of which had come from the confidential intelligence files
of Canadian Immigration. Other papers procured by us over the ensuing
year came from the files of the R.C.M.P., the Victoria BC city police,
and the Canadian intelligence services.
These showed that in
Aug. 1992, about a month after I announced my plans to tour fifteen
cities in Canada that autumn, a mysterious figure identified as Harold
Musetescu--long since disowned by the Canadian government and released
from their service--had planted on the Canadian intelligence computer
two files containing strings of lies about me. The principal items
consisted of two lengthy typed reports on me prepared by an anonymous
English author or agency. The first numbered thirty-two pages, and described
my life and works from my birth in 1938 to Jan. 1991. The second report,
of six pages, continued the life story to April 1992.
Both
reports were packed with lies about me-for example that in 1959 I had
married the daughter of one of General Francisco Franco's top generals
in order to ingratiate myself with the Falangist movement.
"Uncorroborated evidence," the document continued, "implies that
Irving has been the recipient of substantial funding from unknown sources.
It has been repeatedly rumoured that these are Nazis."
Both
reports were marked confidential, and had had all identifying texts
removed by the Canadian government before release to us. It would take
a year to establish who the author probably was, and another year for
them to confirm it (in November this year).
The two reports were
immediately preceded by a heavily censored page titled "DAVID IRVING
- BANS" and dated June 17, 1992. This page was a British document originally
attached to press clippings provided to a Mr Michael Whine, head of
the "defence department" of the Board of Deputies of British Jews in
London, and forwarded by him to as yet unidentified agencies in Canada;
the clippings, sent to London by the South African Jewish Board of Deputies
(SAJBOD) reported the ban imposed on me there in June 1992.
IT
IS NOW KNOWN, because the Board has finally admitted it, that they themselves
authored and disseminated the two reports.
What is the Board
of Deputies? It has been in existence for about two hundred and fifty
years. It was established as a voluntary association of synagogue representatives;
its 350 members are elected from 200 synagogues and forty organisations
of British Jews.
Among its stated objects are to protect the
interests, religious rights, and culture of Jews both in and outside
Britain, defend their security and, surprisingly, "take such appropriate
action as lies within its power to advance Israel's security, welfare
and standing."
Caught in flagrante, the Board has been forced
to come out into the open about its unorthodox activities as a secret
agency gathering intelligence about British subjects on behalf of the
state of Israel and Jewish bodies in Britain and around the world.
In an affidavit which its chief "defence" official swore in
the first round of my court action against them a month ago-such an
affidavit becomes a public document-Michael Whine deposed that his responsibilities
related to external threats to the security and well-being of the Jewish
community.
Monitored
"My Irving's activities," he admits, "have been monitored by the
Board for a number of years." Whine's department, he confesses, compiled
the report as part of "its normal day to day activities." It was not
intended for external circulation. "However at some time in 1992 I received
a request for information on Mr Irving by the B'nai Brith League of
Human Rights, a similar organisation to the Board in Canada."
The League was in the process of providing information to the Canadian
Immigration authorities, states Whine. Until reading this affidavit
a few weeks ago, I had not even known the identity of the Canadian link
in the chain: the League of Human Rights of the B'nai Brith Canada and
the Simon Wiesenthal Centre in Toronto had not replied to registered
letters from me.
My friends had however obtained a copy of the
confidential 1993 annual report of the League for Human Rights of B'nai
Brith Canada. In this, Mark A Sandler, the national chairman, boasted:
"David Irving attempted to conduct one of his cross-Canada tours
in 1992, but thanks in part to League interventions, and excellent
co-operation between a number of police agencies and government
departments, Irving was arrested and deported. He is no longer permitted
to enter Canada without ministerial consent. In both these cases,
the League worked to warn the Immigration Department [] and provided
information to government officials. Australian and South African
Jewish communities have used materials provided by the League to
lobby their governments for similar treatment of Irving."
ALL HIS IS NOW (1996) known, but in 1994 it was by no means easy
to establish who had written the libellous reports. Asking the Board
outright was out of the question: the financial penalties for libel
in Britain are still swingeing, and they would make it as difficult
for me as possible.
My first device was to use Britain's Data
Protection Act, 1984.
It was obvious that the two reports
had been prepared on an electronic computer and thus probably fell within
the provisions of this Act, designed to protect the rights of individual.
Upon my return to London I phoned the government's Data Protection
Agency on July 31, 1995 and they confirmed the criteria to me. They
said that the Boar's Research Unit had registered their database with
them on Aug. 12, 1988, being assigned Reg. No. C.1041013.
I
at once procured a copy of that certificate. Analysis shows it to be
an extraordinary document, for a body purporting merely to represent
religious interests in Britain.
Diets and Disabilities
The Board admits in its certificate that it exists to collect and
disseminate intelligence data on British subjects including elected
representatives, holders of public office, authors, publishers, editors,
artists, writers, and other creative people.
The Board collects
these data from sources including subjects' past employers, financial
and legal representatives, business and personal colleagues, and social,
spiritual, welfare or advice workers, as well as from the courts of
law, the published media and private data providers.
They also
assert the right to collect data including the membership lists of clubs,
societies and institutions, data on offenders both past and suspected,
and personal data on subjects including:
- their current marital or partnership history and status,
- other members of their household,
- their social contacts, their personality and/or character,
- their leisure activities and interests, their lifestyle,
- their professional expertise, their business activities,
- their property and possessions,
- licences or permits held or applied for by them,
- court proceedings involving them,
- their academic records, qualifications and skills,
- their publications, their career history,
- their business activities, their disabilities and infirmities,
- their dietary and other special health requirements,
- their racial and ethnic origin,
- their political and religious and other beliefs, and
- pressure groups supported by them.
The Board claims to procure some of the data from police forces,
political organisations, and prosecuting authorities.
It has
however no authorisation, as is required under the Act, to disclose
or transfer such data to countries outside Britain, so it had prima
facie committed an offence in providing copies of the two reports on
me to Canada.
Exercising my rights under the Act, I served on
the Board forty days' written notice to give me access to all its database
files on me. They did not reply. I repeated my demand. After further
reminders on Aug. 19 and Sept. 4, 1995 Mr Whine-still unaware of the
files I had obtained from Canada-sent me an official letter on Sept.
7 (the thirty-eighth day after I first gave notice) denying that his
organisation held "any personal data (as defined by the Act)".
I suspected that this was a lie. I challenged him to swear to
this denial in an affidavit, and I repeated the challenge on Sept. 16.
On Oct. 3 he replied that no, he would not swear to this denial in an
affidavit!
Although I still did not have enough proof to
start libel proceedings, the evidence in the files pointed all one way:
The Board was referred to explicitly on several pages of the two reports.
One quoted data supplied by Professor Gerald Fleming, the Breslau-born
British historian, a known informant of the Board. The same file contained
a letter dated June 5, 1992 from Mr Seymour Kopelowitz of the South
African Jewish Board of Deputies (SAJBOD) to Michael Whine and the Board,
and a letter from Fleming to Whine dated June 16, 1992. The report quoted
a Feb. 1991 telephone conversation between Irving and Fleming.
There was evidence in files obtained by us from other Canadian agencies
and from the agencies of other governments including correspondence
between Board's officials and various foreign ambassadors and intelligence
services, which proved the Board's reckless endeavours to procure and
disseminate dirt on me, to be used specifically for hounding, persecuting,
and vilifying me in my calling as an international historian-and if
possible for procuring my arrest and imprisonment as well as my banning,
exclusion, and deportation from countries around the world in which
I had freely researched and lectured for nearly thirty years before
the Board's vicious campaign began.
From Aug. to Dec. 1995 I
made further to establish beyond doubt who had written the two libellous
reports. The Canadian government continued its deliberate concealment
of the identity of the authors. We did not even know precisely whom
the reports had been "published" to-another essential feature of British
libel law. The government relied on s 13(1)(a) of the Act which prohibited
them from disclosing any record that contained "information that was
obtained in confidence from the government of a foreign state or an
institution thereof."
On Nov. 7, 1995 I challenged the Board
to identify a document referred to as "a manuscript on David Irving,"
which Neville Nagler, one of the Board's chief executives, had forwarded
to the German embassy in London in Oct. 1992. No reply was ever received
to this letter.
On Nov. 14 I therefore sent a formal Letter before
Action to the Board. In this I explicitly quoted a number of extracts
verbatim, without however revealing where I had obtained the reports.
Money no Object
At the same time I put the British government on notice that I was
contemplating seeking action against the Board for violations of the
Data Protection Act; as I said in this letter I was currently undertaking
"legal manuvres to smoke the [Board of Deputies] out and to oblige [them]
to admit authorship of the documents."
The Board now saw no choice
but to hire lawyers, and they hired the very best: money is no object.
On Nov. 22 the firm of Mishcon de Reya informed me that they had been
instructed by the Board. After stern reminders from me, on Dec. 22,
1995 they replied that they had now considered my complaint "and also
the report about which you complain". Although it still left
room for wriggling, this seemed to be proof that the Board were the
authors. I was in the United States. I faxed to my friends in Ontario
a message indicating that my device had worked and that the Board of
Deputies of British Jews had "implicitly accepted the authorship of
that Report-the one thing we could not (yet) prove".
I AM NOT BY NATURE a litigious person. I had few illusions about the
appalling expense in time, energy and funds that taking on the most
powerful Jewish body in Britain would entail.
My first instinct
therefore was to seek an amicable settlement with the Board: they had
been caught, and were at risk of being exposed, with their trousers
down.
Everything that antisemites, without a shred of proof,
had said for years about them was, it seemed, true: they were
an international conspiracy, they did seek to operate outside
the law, infiuencing governments and suppressing free debate on matters
of historical import; and they did put the interests of a foreign
state, Israel, over those of the subjects of Her Majesty peacefully
residing and going about their lawful business in the country where
the Jews had sought refuge and domicile.
I therefore wrote two
letters to their lawyers on Dec. 23-one open, one confidential (i.e.
endorsed "without prejudice"). The open letter read:
May I here make it plain that I harbour no ill feelings toward either
your clients [the Board of Deputies of British Jews] or the people
whom they represent.
I take note that you make no attempt
to justify the defamatory passages complained of. By publishing
[them], your clients have injured me in countries around the world
and infiicted substantial and quantifiable financial losses on me
since 1992, both directly and indirectly.
Over the past
three years I have by legal means built up a substantial file of
documents from foreign governments and other bodies establishing
how your clients and their associates overseas (sajbod, etc) have
directed a secret campaign of denigration with the intention of
seeing me harassed, arrested, deported, denied entry visas, imprisoned
and vilified.
This campaign to deny free speech to an historian
of thirty years' reputation, and to ruin his livelihood, for no
other reason than a disapproval of opinions he was alleged to hold,
fiies in the face of all the values for which the last world wars
were fought.
I am firstly preparing to lodge a complaint
with the Data Protection Agency. As your clients were not authorised
by their Certificate to transfer or disclose data to countries outside
the U.K., which I shall also argue includes foreign embassies within
the U.K., they have prima facie committed a criminal offence under
the 1984 Act.
I have in mind of course the Board's written
denial to me that they maintained such data on me. I am sure that
you will advise your client that it is an offence under the Act
to destroy any such data once a User has been put on Notice to provide
access, and that the Agency has very comprehensive powers of investigation
including search and seizure.
I intend also to mount a claim
for damages under the Defamation Act, and I shall certainly take
advantage of the latest rulings that enable a plaintiff to set out
to a jury what he thinks those damages should be ...
On the same date however I also wrote to these lawyers a conciliatory
and confidential letter suggesting that if the Board formally withdrew
the libellous reports, I would not seek damages, and nobody need ever
learn of the whole regrettable episode.
Because the correspondence
which followed was conducted under the seal of confidentiality, and
is therefore privileged, I cannot reveal here-even to my supporters
and those who are financing me through this long and harrowing ordeal-the
ups and down and twists and turns that my dealings with this devious
body took.
The Board asked me to prove that the statements contained
in their reports on me were lies. On Jan. 10 I wrote them a robustly
phrased open letter:
I am sure you need no reminding that in an action for Defamation
the onus is entirely on the defendants to establish that what they
wrote was true; I am awe-struck by your attempt to place such an
onus on the plaintiff.
Unless I obtain a prior assurance
that your client is willing in principle to contemplate the course
proposed in my Without Prejudice letter of Dec. 23, then I shall
certainly not embark on answering a questionnaire, and I shall proceed
directly to the issue and serving of a Writ; given such an assurance,
however, I shall answer it to the best of my ability.
A few days later we reached broad agreement on a course of action
to be pursued. The Board asked me to answer many questions; for instance,
who was my former father-in-law? (Answer: a Madrid industrial chemist,
a Republican, whose brothers had had to fiee overseas from Franco).
By October of this year however it seemed to me that the Board was
drawing out the negotiations with only one aim-to drag me so far over
the time-line that I would be too late to take formal libel action.
Under Britain's Limitations Act of 1980, no libel actions can be
brought more than three years after the date of publication; that period
had evidently expired in June 1995. The law does however still allow
a plaintiff to take action if the relevant facts have been concealed
from him: he then has a further "period of grace" of twelve months,
but he must get the permission of a High Court judge to issue such a
writ out of time.
There was at that time no evidence known to
me that the reports had been republished within the last three years.
On Oct. 25, 1996 I therefore swore a full affidavit to the High
Court setting out the history of the sordid affair, and concluded:
I respectfully aver that in the premises I have satisfied this Honourable
Court that I was ignorant of 'all the facts relevant to that cause
of action,' namely the facts as to who had authored and/or published
the report or reports, until after the limitation period expired.
As evidence of deliberate concealment, I referred to the Board's earlier
denial that it had data on its database about me; in short, I submitted
that it was only on Dec. 22, 1995-with the tacit admission from lawyers
Mishcon de Reya-that I established the relevant facts enabling me to
issue a Writ.
The Board fought back, arguing that I "must
have" known before Dec. 22, 1995 that they were the secret authors;
that therefore even the twelve-month period of grace had expired. Failing
that, they pleaded that it would be unjust to allow my action to go
ahead so long after the event. Many of the witnesses were forgetful
and the documents had been destroyed; moreover it would cost a lot of
money, and it would put their secret sources at risk.
I replied
in a court document:
If there has been a rash of document-shredding in anticipation of
Data Protection Agency activity or of Discovery, this Honourable
Court ought not now to allow the [Board] to plead the lack of original
documentation as a prejudicial factor. What kind of intelligence
agency destroys its files within two years? [Mr] Whine further avers
that memories of events "inevitably have faded" after two years.
Britain's only war crimes trials is expected to be conducted against
a Surrey man on the basis of recollections of events over fifty
years ago. An American auto worker was nearly hanged in Jerusalem
on the basis of such evidence.
As for the Board's claim that the costs of defending a libel action
would be horrendous, I stated:
Audited financial figures for the Board of Deputies of British Jews
are not known to me. Those for the B'nai Brith Canada, which [Mr]
Whine testifies is an organisation similar to the Board of Deputies
of British Jews, are as follows:
B'nai Brith Canada had
assets totalling $27,007,987 in 1992 and $26,354,068 in 1991.
B'nai Brith Canada's income totalled $4,447,490 in 1992
and $4,573,489 in 1991. Its 'League of Human Rights' had in 1992
a nationwide revenue of $140,000 and its Ontario office a revenue
of $54,000.
I then addressed the argument that the Board's stool pigeons would
not want to be "outed" now.
"There is no material difference,"
I submitted, "between their being 'outed' in 1996 or in 1995 or in 1994.
They certainly have nothing to apprehend from me."
Round One Irving vs Board of Deputies
THE HIGH COURT HELD, in the first hearing on Nov. 15, 1996 of what
is likely to become a sensational public exposure of the Board and its
un-English activities, that because more than three years had elapsed,
and because Mr Irving's "date of knowledge" of the relevant facts was
August and not Dec. 1995 as he had argued, he would not be given leave
to bring this libel action.
The judge refused leave to appeal.
Mr Irving made plain however that upon obtaining evidence of
publication of the same report within the last three years he would
reinstate the action.
He has now obtained such proof. On Dec.
9, 1996 he formally challenged the Board to deny that it has republished
the report within the last three years.
In Jan. 1997 he will
issue a Writ against the Board of Deputies of British Jews, alleging
conspiracy, malicious or injurious falsehood, negligence, and libel.
He will need all the help he can get from the Fighting Fund and
its supporters to see this fight through.
[
Top | Pittsburgh
| Australia |
Radical's Diary |
Book Reviews |
Letters | Law Report |
Board of Deputies |
Opinion ]
Opinion
Gold Rush!
We have followed with interest the attempts being made by the
Jewish organisations to recover the fortunes in Gold which they claim
are being hidden from them in Swiss bank vaults. Nobody would wish to
deny the swift return to its owners of wrongfully detained Gold, and
there does seem to be proof of valuables, whether worth millions or
only several thousand dollars, being held in this way by the Swiss bankers.
But we cannot help marvelling at the skill with which the world's
media have trod the delicate path - reporting at length on these claims
without seeming simultaneously to confirm every antisemite's distorted
view of "the Jews" as people who swiftly amass huge fortunes while residing
in the countries of their choice and then furtively squirrel away their
ill-gotten fortunes in secret numbered bank accounts in far-away countries
to avoid taxation and the other lawful burdens imposed on their host
peoples.
Or, in the British gangster Robert Maxwell's case, in
order to prevent the rightful owners of pension and other funds from
locating and retrieving their missing millions.
Dictionary News
- According to Michael Hoffmann's hugely literate Revisionist
Researcher, Milton Bradley & Co., manufacturer of the popular word
game Scrabble, has yielded to demands from the Anti-Defamation League
of B'nai Brith that it remove from both the game board point system
and The Official Scrabble Players Dictionary the word "Jew". Previously
fans earned 39 points if they could get j-e-w on a triple score
marker.
The ADL® said that Milton Bradley was "literally
playing games with hate" by according "legitimacy to the use of
such a word in a parlour game often used by impressionable young
people." The word has now been expunged (ausgerottet), and thus
another problem has been finally solved.
- The Oxford University Press in New York has published a politically
correct version of the New Testament and the Psalms. In this new
version God is omnisexual (not merely bi-sexual, in case homosexuals
are offended) and ambidextrous. The "Son of Man" is now translated
simply as "the human one."
In a tortuous quasi-legal decision,
the new New Testament no longer holds Jews responsible for the death
of Christ. The appropriate excisions have been made to I Thessalonians
ii, 14­p;15 ("for you suffered the same things from your own
compatriots as they did from the Jews who killed both the Lord Jesus
and the prophets.")
The sinister references to the right
hand of God have been deleted, so as not to upset the left-handed.
The now somewhat unfamiliar Lord's Prayer begins, "Our Father-Mother
in Heaven." Out of deference to African-Americans "darkness" is
no longer synonymous with "evil," though references to "whited sepulchres"
are left in.
Lord God is also out: it sounds male­p;chauvinist
to the trained ear. "Lord God does not cut it these days," said
the new version editor Susan Thistlethwaite to The Times. "We don't
have lords."
Writing to The Times, Rabbi Romain of the Jewish
Information & Media Service welcomed the changes.
Next for
the chopping block: the Christian Christmas.
Noam Chomsky on the Anti-Defamation League:
"IN THE UNITED STATES, a rather effective method of intimidation has
been developed to silence critique. Let me give you just one example.
Take the Anti-Defamation League, the B'nai Brith, which is reputed to
be a civil rights organization.
It's rather comical. It's actually
an organization which is devoted to trying to defame and intimidate
and silence people who criticize current Israeli policies, whatever
they may be. For example I myself, through a leak in the new England
office of the Anti-Defamation League, was able to obtain a copy of my
file there. It's 150 pages, just like an FBI file-interoffice memos
warning that I'm going to show up here and there, surveillance of talks
that I give, comments and alleged transcripts of talks, of the sort
that you'd expect mostly fabricated because people don't hear or can't
understand. This material has been circulated. If I'm going to give
a talk somewhere, if I came out to Boulder [Colorado] to give a talk,
this material would be sent to some local group which would use it to
extract defamatory material which would then be circulated, usually
in unsigned pamphlets outside the place where I'd be speaking.
I happened to get this material when it was being sent to a Harvard
law professor named Alan Dershowitz in preparation for a debate that
we were to have a few days later, so that he would be able to extract
from it defamatory material concocted by the Anti-Defamation League
surveillance system, which is in fact exactly what he did.
This
is typical of the way they act. If there's any comment in the press
which they regard as insufficiently subservient to the party line, there'll
be a fiood of letters, delegations, protests, threats to withdraw advertising,
etc."
From C P Otero, Language and Politics (Black Rose Books, 1988),
page 642, a book of interviews with Noam Chomsky
[ Top |
Pittsburgh |
Australia | Radical's Diary |
Book Reviews |
Letters | Law Report |
Board of Deputies |
Opinion ]
Back to Index
|